By Takura Zhangazha*
There are a number of new stories that are emerging about
the role of China in Zimbabwe. In the
past the Chinese Embassy would have been less robust in defense of its
bilateral aid to Zimbabwe. And the
Zimbabwean government, given its re-engagement policy would be a bit more
circumspect about what it puts out into the public domain about how it views either
global superpower’s perception of events that unfold in its own
jurisdiction vis-avis the United States of America.
The fact of the matter is that there is some sort of social
media diplomatic spat between China and the United States of America (USA) over
Zimbabwe. It appears to be relatively
causal but it obviously has deeper issues that we may not be privy to as
ordinary Zimbabweans. Not just because
Zimbabwe’s ruling establishment evidently has closer historical ties to China
but also because of given contemporary mainstream global media narratives on
the role of the latter on the African continent.
But more specifically to Zimbabwe, there is the added
narrative that China is exploiting our natural resources in order to prop up
the current Mnangagwa government. It is
a narrative that again has multiple sources that are directly linked to what
would be a newer potentially emerging global cold war from China’s rising role in
the political economy of globalization. Not
necessarily about who or what Zimbabwe is in the ‘global’ scheme of
things.
What however cannot be wished away at least historically is
that Zimbabwe and China have always had closer relations. Mainly based on the fact of the liberation
struggle that China directly and militarily supported but also its role at the United
Nations Security Council (UNSC) where it vetoed (together with Russia) direct
international sanctions on our country.
Recently the USA and Chinese local embassies have gone into
slight overdrive about their role in
Zimbabwe’s domestic politics. As enunciated
via their social media handles (surprise surprise with China). Whether they are commenting about the need for by-elections in Zimbabwe (USA) or the alleged deliberate besmirching of
Chinese bilateral aid and investment in Zimbabwe’s mining/agricultural economy
(Chinese Embassy).
What becomes interesting beyond populist discourse is reading
between the lines of this new approach by both governments.
The USA has a long standing official view on Zimbabwe which is
based on the issue of sanctioning what it considers a ‘rogue regime’ since the
2001 Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA). And it continues to
claim these are targeted sanctions.
China on the other hand has an official foreign policy of ‘non-interference’
and utilitarian mutual benefit between countries’. Never mind the status of ‘democracy and human
rights’ in same said country.
To paraphrase the Godfather movie, this, in China’s view
would be ‘nothing personal, just business’.
What is apparent is that Zimbabwe has thanks to its
international re-engagement policy found itself inadvertently having to pick what
it considers a better side. In this instance,
this would, at least according to some government statements be China. Not only because of the UN veto in 2008 but because
of the economic and Covid19 pandemic mitigation support that the latter has
given the country.
But is still boils down to domestic perception of either
global superpowers’ role in Zimbabwe. And
in most populist instances be they urban or rural there is what Edward Said
would have referred to as ‘Orientalism’. That is a false and partially racist
assumption that anything coming from the Global East is not only exploitative
to the African but also not preferable when compared with that which comes from
the Global West.
The key considerations therefore then come to revolve around
what do Zimbabweans want? Where there
have been arguments against a Chinese new-colonialism, the alternative
arguments have indicated a preferential alternative. I do not know what the apparatchiks in Mnangagwa’s
office think but the possibility of the matter is that their re-engagement
policy needs to crosscheck Nkrumah’s statement on neither looking East or
West but forward. And embracing a progressive world
view that thinks beyond the global international relations placement of
Zimbabwe beyond the immediate for neoliberal convenience but for social democratic
posterity.
Finally, Zimbabwe will always interact with the world in one
form or the other. From various
ideological and historical standpoints. But we are better off making these
contextual, historical and realistic perspectives. Based on our own national values and beliefs
before they are either fashionable, convenient or populist.
So where the USA and China have divergent viewpoints about
their foreign policy impact on Zimbabwe, it does not really matter. What matters is what we Zimbabweans think is
more important, in tandem with SADC, to be better partnerships for not only ourselves
but also our Southern African region.
As a final point, Zimbabwe has become emblematic of how to
attempt to reverse colonial history and in the process is emblematic of a new
form of African liberation globally. But history should never cripple us. Neither should it be the raison-de-etre of other
countries’’ foreign policies toward us.
Be that as it may by way of global perception, China or USA should not
make us their ideological playing ground.
*Takura Zhangazha wrties here in his personal capacity
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)