Electoral End Games of Zimbabwe's Inclusive Government.
By Takura Zhangazha. *
The political parties in Zimbabwe's inclusive government have now begun playing out their electoral end games
eleven months prior to the expiry of its constitutional term of office
in June 2013. There have been varying public statements from
the three parties in government about the actual date of
elections and which ever way one looks at it, election season is now
firmly upon us again. Whereas Zanu Pf has been insisting on elections
being held this year, that can now be considered a moot point given the hints by some of its newspaper columnists that
it is well nigh impossible to have both a constitutional referendum and
an election in terms of a new constitution in the next eleven months.
The MDCs, on the other hand, have been arguing for the full implementation of the SADC facilitated election road map. They however must
most certainly know that again in the limited time period available ,
they will not get everything that they are requesting short of a
constitutional amendment that extends the lifespan of this current
government. And for this, they would require an almost impossible to
get two thirds majority in Parliament. At best the MDCs will probably
have to revert back (amidst Zanu Pf resistance) to the Electoral
Amendment Bill (amongst other potential or existent laws) to try and
integrate the provisions of the SADC facilitated road map into
domestic law.
Regardless of the outcome of all of these contestations, the issue of
elections is no longer as distant as it was two years ago. In fact, it
has become evidently more urgent for political parties within and
without of the inclusive government and as such, the Zimbabwean public
must brace themselves for highly politicized debates and an increasingly
polarized political environment. In this, there will be the revival of
the old rivalries of 2008 and mudslinging between leaders in the
inclusive government about the performance of rivals in the last four
years.
The images of friendly leadership handshakes will decrease and we will all be asked to
demonstrate loyalty to one party over the other without really
questioning issues of the policy substance that has been provided by the
inclusive government in the period that it has existed. It is because
of such a potential development that one can reasonably argue that we
are now entering a political period in which we should no longer expect
much by way of non-partisan or 'common ground' policy from the inclusive
government.
Each party will angle what it would call its own 'exclusive' policies in
the inclusive government as evidence of its ability to govern and
therefore its electability over the others. Zanu Pf will insist that
it's indigenisation programme has been a success while MDC will argue
that were it not for its control of broader economic policies, hyper-inflation would still be
knocking on every citizens door. Blame games for the undemocratic and
expensive constitutional reform process under COPAC will reach a
particular partisan crescendo because it is the one thing that all
parties in the inclusive government cannot skirt collective
responsibility on.
The actual reality for the everyday citizens will however not be as
frenetic or as emotive as that of those that will be seeking their
votes. They will view and participate in the electoral processes either
out of cultural and political coercion or even self aggrandizement than
belief in any particular principles. This being a direct result of the
fact that the inclusive government has had little to offer by way of
inspiring its own people to believe in anything else but survival of the
'fittest' and the cliched 'kiya-kiya' political economy. Add to this,
the clear distinction between the profligate lifestyles of those in
government and the majority populace has already led to a cynical
electorate which may seek more to gain materially in the immediate than
to challenge political leaders on the country's future. So there will be
the positioning of money, jobs and drought relief handouts in direct
return for votes from a public that knows that without taking advantage
of the elections, these material benefits would be few and far between.
So as Zimbabwe enters this protracted election season, it is of importance
that civil society organisations take non-partisan stock of the
inclusive government based on democratic values and principles. Where
this is not done, it is the country that will be the worse off in the
present and in the future. It is also imperative that the inclusive
government be brought to account not merely on the basis of the personalities that
comprise it, but on its performance when measured by social democratic
value and principles.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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