The key word to describe Zimbabwe’s current national
attitude or mood is ‘dystopian’. That is
a predisposition to expecting the worst possible scenarios for society because
of recent government monetary and economic policies. All based on memories of a hyperinflationary
period of the yeas 2007-2009 as well as a general mistrust of the ruling Zanu
Pf party's approach to national economic policy.
So assumptions of a pending economic ‘Armageddon’ become fortified by
political default. All with the
assistance of social media laced with partisan political and in some cases
religious discourse that can only serve to stoke the fires of a pending
‘dystopia’.
Inferences of ‘no pain, no gain’ or that we must all suffer
first in order for things to get better as recently alluded to by President
Mnangagwa point to a, for now, determined free market/neo-liberal
government. And this determination or
what Mnangagwa refered to as ‘decisiveness’ is for the free market as well as
to protect private capital’s profit interests.
With the vainglorious hope that the latter will sort itself out and in
the process create a trickle down effect to the majority poor.
By so doing, Mnangagwa’s government hopes that global capital
will give them the thumbs up and proceed to help/invest with them out of Zimbabwe’s
long standing economic isolation. Just
like the November 2017 coup-not-a-coup, they are taking a huge gamble that they
probably feel will not raise international ire.
Instead they expect endorsement from international financial institutions
(IFIs) and governments that believe completely in free market/neoliberal
economics. It is therefore not surprising
that the minister of finance Mthuli Ncube announced these new measures prior to
his trip to Bali, Indonesia for the World Bank, International Monetary Fund
meet up. (Yes the meeting is going ahead
despite the devastating earthquake in another part of that country).
This given determination on the part of government to pursue
neoliberalism on drugs ironically also anticipates some sort of dystopia,
albeit temporarily. In keeping with
Chicago School versions of free market economics it intends to ‘shock’ the
economic system and the general public into accepting the lack of an
option. Even if violently so. Hence already there is talk of speeding up
processes of privatizing state owned/controlled enterprises and cutting
government expenditure.
All with limited
talk of the negative social impact this may have on peoples’ livelihoods. The government anticipates that the people
will suffer but private capital will be comfortable enough to eventually be benevolent.
So the Zimbabwean public anticipates dystopia for reasons that
are evidently different from those of their government. Theirs are based on a real fear on loss of
livelihoods that related to their ability to access or trade in the US$ and its
now devalued local bond note version and the introduction of an electronic
version of a currency that is now realized via RTGS. The governments are based
on worshipping at the altar of free market/neoliberal economics and politics
(fortifying the nexus between private capital and political leaders).
A key counter-narrative to both dystopian perspectives
(public/popular and government) is to take a holistic/systemic analysis to the economic
situation that Zimbabwe finds itself in.
This being that our placement in a neo-liberal global political economy
requires that we actively seek new ways of setting up people centered economic
frameworks that do not bow down to the undemocratic demands of undemocratic capital.
The viable option that is required to be on the table is a
new democratic socialism that is people centered, focused on civil, social and
economic human rights and that clearly sets up the democratic state as the guarantor
of people’s livelihoods. Not the market
and how private capital manipulates it primarily for a profit. Where the government talks of win-win situations
in the name of profit, the alternative outlines a win-win where the state
retains the primary function of guaranteeing everyone a better livelihood
through efficient, transparent, non –corrupt public services and public
goods.
Countering the government’s neo-liberal economic trajectory
and ‘shock treatment’ of the country’s citizens is not going to be easy. Not least because the measures announced have
the support of business and global capital/financial institutions.
The Mnangagwa government
appears to be very determined to ensure it pushes through with the reforms
regardless of protests and dissent which they may decide to clamp down on as is
historically the case with governments that embrace neo-liberalism in the
global south. Especially if the dissent is organic, ideological and people centered. But
where it is knee jerk, non-systemic and not informed of the rising global resistance
to neo-liberalism (and lessons of its push back strategies) this dystopian outlook
of many Zimbabweans will move from being only about anger/emotions to being a
permanent state of helplessness and vainly suffering in order for things to get
better. Somehow, someday. And that is
dangerous for democracy.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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