By Takura Zhangazha*
There have been a number of books written on Robert Mugabe
in his many leadership roles. As a
leader of a guerrilla movement/army, as a prime minister, as a president and
even from a western perspective as a complicated/sophisticated dapper dictator. And make no mistake, many more will be
written about him. As an ousted or
disgraced long ruling repressive leader and also as a belatedly glorified Pan
Africanist.
And it is the assumptions of future published perspectives
on Mugabe’s long rule that are of interest. What I am however concerned with is
the lived realities of Mugabe’s legacy.
And by legacy here I am not inferring something to be celebrated but
more something to be understood.
In the aftermath of the coup that toppled him, Mugabe has
largely been holed up in his Borrowdale mansion and giving the impression of a
bitter self-righteousness. He emerged publicly
at least twice. The first time to endorse
the mainstream opposition presidential candidate in a long drawn statement and
questions and answer session with the press. The second time to vote for the
latter in Highfields, Harare.
I am sure he has had other interviews and publicized
conversations with visiting leaders from African countries. Or his wife as his spokesperson has
occasionally put out the same. Together
with his still many apologists and runners either in remnants of the G40
faction he spawned or on social media and in the mainstream opposition.
Beyond the immediacy of his ouster from power, we are
however reeling from the effects of his leadership of the state. And there is little that is positive that can
be objectively discerned from it or assumed to be as a result of his own
individual leadership effort.
Having ridden on the noble but painful cause and struggle
that was the liberation struggle, Mugabe managed in his at least 37 years in
power, to undermine the values and principles that the liberation struggle was
motivated by.
After co-opting the same opposition, Mugabe was to try to establish
a ‘one party state’ which was eventually rejected via the activism of his
former colleagues in the struggle but also due to the fact that it was no
longer popular in Southern Africa after Nyerere had abandoned the same in
Tanzania.
What was to prove colossal in his intentions at retaining
power with global western power endorsement, was his economic about turn to
embrace neoliberalism/ capitalism as advised by the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) and World Bank.
Where he had
previously had some sort of obligation to collective and people centered
economics he abandoned this to begin his worship at the altar of free market
economics. Contrary to the values of the
liberation struggle. And this was the
beginning of the unraveling of our national consciousness as had been
established by the liberation struggle.
It quite literally became about Mugabe and his hold on power while
serving the interests of global capital.
It was labour that was to try and rein in Mugabe’s
neoliberalism by first of all recalling the values of the liberation struggle
and using the same to challenge an elitist political economy. The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)
and its allies in the students and womens' movements as well as human rights
focused civil society organisations went on to establish what was then referred
to as a working people’s party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Mugabe in populist turn decided to by embark on what we officially know to be the Fast Track Land Reform
Programme (FTLRP. All in a vainglorious and individualist attempt at retaining the
loyalty of war veterans and the peasantry. While
at the same time echoing long abandoned principles and values that had
motivated the liberation struggle.
It worked, albeit briefly.
Mugabe’s neoliberal economy could not sustain the FTLRP and it
expectedly reeled under not only sanctions but also the fact that its populism
was never going to make it revolutionary.
That it happened and has been said by Mnangagwa’s government
to be irreversible does not make it any less violent or populist in serving
Mugabe’s intention at retaining power.
Even by the time he was forced by SADC to form an inclusive
government with the opposition, Mugabe’s particular version of individualism in
politics would not allow him to even consider his own succession. In his own party nor for posterity.
And where we fast forward to his ouster from power, his
particular streak of individual political stubbornness eventually led him to be
hoist by his own petard. He quite literally fell on his own sword. Even if he
didn’t see it coming.
It is a combination of Mugabe’s inability to see into
the future or beyond himself and his deliberate abandonment of liberation
struggle socialist democratic values as accompanied by neoliberal/free market
economics that led Zimbabwe to its current parlous state.
The end effect of this on our own society has been
catastrophic. Not only just in relation
to our one time critical national consciousness as informed by the liberation
struggle but also to our own individual perceptions of what should be a
progressive society.
Mugabe’s long rule has the unenviable legacy of having
created a highly individualized, materialistic and populist society. One that perceives progress by the day and
rarely considers collective posterity.
And with a default admiration of neoliberalism and ideological
austerity. Mugabe, via his ruling party
Zanu Pf have taken us into the trap of ‘millennial capitalism’ where a
combination of free market economics, superstition (religion), gambling and
individualism have stymied the collective national consciousness.
There are many ways to regain a critical collective national
consciousness. The first step to doing
so is to identify what caused its demise.
Historically and in the contemporary, that begins at identifying
Mugabe’s real legacy and role in getting us to where we are as a country. Where
we are saddled with a nasty/violent, materialist and populist individualism.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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