By Takura Zhangazha*
Sunday
morning conversations are hard. Especially if they occur during early morning visits
from intellectual friends. Recently one
such friend paid a surprising courtesy call and invariably our conversations
ended up trying to casually examine a key question of Zimbabwean national
consciousness. My friend was more about
the science of it and on my part it was more the activist element to it.
While the
conversation was random and all over the place we sort of began with questioning
Zimbabwe’s education system and its impact on a perceived national consciousness. We sort of agreed that Zimbabwe has a ‘bottle
neck’ education system that is embedded in colonial and missionary moulded
perceptions of individual success. And
in a Marxian and Gramscian sense designed to perpetuate class inequality by way
of sieving merit by way of academic/educational qualifications of human
beings. This also includes assumptions
of proximity to preferred Christian religiosity.
What was however
more problematic was our perspectives on tertiary education. We discussed the fact of its
bifurcation. Either one went to
university or to technical training college.
In our time and in both instances this would have been subsidized
education either by way of government or by our parents.
Interestingly
we both recognized that the expansion of university level education helped with
easing assumptions of its societal superiority.
The more universities we had, the less university education became a
status symbol of success. And that this
was/is a good thing because it reduced elitist tendencies about acquiring a
university degree.
On further
reflection we also realized that the dichotomy between university and technical
college education is a significant contributor to national conciousness and
political activism. And this is a particularly difficult point to make.
This is
because of the fact that it is the equivalent of trying to measure our own personal
consciousness or how we perceive of our own country and its collective national
challenges as they occur.
After the
cde had left I thought about this a little bit more in relation to the contemporary
Zimbabwean political economy. I realized that were significant issues in debating
a Zimbabwean national consciousness in the contemporary and possibly for the
future.
The first
was that a majority of our current major political actors perceive it to be of
importance that they are university educated to be what they either are or want
to be in political leadership. It is
almost a retention of the initial colonial qualification of how a good African
is the one that is educated in the ways of the white man. The more educated you
are, the more eligible you are for leadership hence the plethora of politicians
with PhDs or former first ladies that went through thick and thin to acquire
them. There is nothing wrong with this per se.
Except that it gives an elitist perspective to politics and how it
should occur within a society.
The
opposite end of it is that this approach generally forgets the majority that
would be led. And this is an interesting
point about our current national consciousness.
Whenever we see celebrities who are popularly referred to as ‘mbingas’
driving political and other debates, it would be trite to consider the bigger
picture of their influence. They
reflect more the ‘underbelly’ of our national consciousness which is essentially
materialist but also ephemeral. The reality
being that we are caught in a trap of desiring things we cannot have but
admiring the few that have them. And electing them as our leaders. In the vain hope that one day we will be like
them.
What
emerges is a clash of national consciousness in our current context. This clash is one in which elitist intentions
are to keep popular perceptions of what our society should be at bay. Or at
least co-opt them into accepting a hierarchical/unequal status quo. With the irony being that the majority poor
accept the profligacies of the rich and even aspire to them. Hence Gramsci’s term of ‘hegemony’. Almost like the joke that work is not fun but
they pay you enough to make you have to come back every day.
The key
question however is what brought us here?
In the main it would be a political culture that is self absorbed beyond
collective reasoning about what the future should look like. We function at least politically like we are
all main actors. And in most cases with
Messianic tendencies. What we then miss is the bigger picture. Particularly one that focuses on what our futures
may look like.
Therein
lies the contradictions and clashes in what would be our national consciousness. Our short term approaches to the challenges
that the country faces limit our ability to imagine what the future should look
like. Especially where our materialism is
as simplistic as looking after our own while forgetting that they too live in a
whole society and that unless we struggle for equitability we will still have
to deal with the same problems beyond our lifetimes.
But back to
my conversations with my Sunday early morning visitor friend. As I indicated earlier, we discussed Zimbabwe’s
education system and assumptions of what is considered material progress. We
touched upon the consciousness divide between university and technical or
teacher college students of our generation and the nuanced elitism that came
with that. And how it now affects a generic national consciousness with
political leaders flouting degrees as determining eligibility for Messianic
leadership.
What
however remains important is that we look at our contradictory national
consciousness. From our lack of ideological
grounding through to a desire not only to mimic others but also reigning in a false consciousness
that relates to profligate materialism.
*Takura
Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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