Zimbabwe Foreign Policy Has to Change, Return to the Principled Source

By Takura Zhangazha*

The Zimbabwean government under the ruling Zanu Pf party has had as a central narrative and dictum to its foreign policy, "A friend to all and an enemy to none."

In this it also adds the caveat that in all its dealings with Zimbabwe's central national interests in international relations that our country is quite literally 'open for business'. 

It has maintained these foreign policy positions since 2017 when President Mnangagwa announced what he refers to as the 'second republic.' And also after the 2018, 2023 harmonised elections where Zanu Pf retained both legislative and executive authority over state power. Albeit in still disputed circumstances. 

But their electoral and, in the contemporary, functional retention of power is a reality that we live with. 

As is with their government's foreign policy positions as they affect how we look at the world and how the world in return looks at us. 

A little bit of history is important here.

 Zimbabwe over the years between 1997-2009 was viewed as a 'pariah state'. A term which was both academic and political in the global north as well global liberal (read that as neo-liberal) democratic or Blairite/Clinton 'third way discourse.

This was mainly due to two main issues. The first being that in the late 1990s, we had a radicalising left-wing motivated workers movement that was countering the ruling Zanu Pf via labour unions that went on to form the mainstream opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) before the turn of the 21st century. 

This was against a perception that the world had reached what we now know as a discredited assumption of a global 'end of history' as ennunciated by intellectual and populist supporters of global neoliberal ideology. 

So Zimbabwe was, contrary to the late 1990s popular opinion, not liked for its emerging left leaning opposition politics which were eventually re-harnessed into more conservative narratives. 

The second historical point about Zimbabwe's global 'pariah status' was the still politically argued but structurally real, Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) from 2000 to present day. Though today it is increasingly more formalised in relation to central government land policies. 

This is Zimbabwe's almost, to use a biblical term, 'original sin', within private property/capital motivated international relations post the start of the millenium. 

A sin that a decent nunber of future generations of young Zimbabweans will still have to resist, suffer or eventually atone for at the altar of globalised financialised capitalism.

Now that was just a little bit of history of Zimbabwe's placement in the world. And why it is viewed, even in an African context as 'pariah'. 

But where we look at our current context with a government that claims to be a 'friend to all' and 'enemy to none' in the world, we should raise a number of questions in the 'global now'. 

The first question is if we have had this foreign policy since 2017, what has it achieved that changed our pariah status? Others may argue it has opened up new avenues to global financialised capital and investments from the west. 

But the counter argument is that this has only been incremental over the course of  at least 9 years. And the country remains under a complex western sanctions regime that is more intrumentalised than seeing its own backdoor on Zimbabwe. 

So it has not had the intended immediate effect. Nor is it guaranteed to.

The second question that arises is that of, okay, we did the FTLRP, challenged assumptions of colonial private property rights and fulfilled one of the key tenets of our own national liberation struggle.

 Only to turn back as a 'friend' to former colonial and post colonial white farmers and offer them compensation. As part of an appeasment foreign policy framework? At an estimated US$3,5 billion cost. 

The third and final question that arises from Zimbabwes current foreign policy trajectory is what does it mean in an emerging age of global unilateralism by global superpowers and the undermining of the United Nations 'rules based' global world order. Especially by Donald Trump of the USA. 

And within the global economic protectionism by the same said supepowers (EU, Russia, China, The Emirates, Israel) as they scramble not only for new markets, rare earth minerals but more significantly for compliance with their own foreign policy interests. 

In such a polarised and unpredictable context, Zimbabwe cannot be a'friend to all'. Or an 'enemy to none'. 

That is unrealistic and dangerous to our organic national interests in global relations. As a matter of fact, its highly impractical. 

As of old, Zimbabwe's foreign policy has to revert to principled historical, solidarity and non-aligned tenets with Pan -African countries, the global south and the global east before it assumes what is essentially a 'false global neutrality'. 

Historically and progresively our foreign policy was never designed to be self centered or self absorbed since not only the liberation struggle but after it and as designed for posterity. 

Where we think we can stand alone with this current unprincipled foreign policy, we will fall alone as a country. Unless we change it and return to the source. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

Twitter: @TakuraZhangazha

Saluting Dr. Blessing Makunike

 By Takura Zhangazha *

I learnt of the sad news of the recent passing away of Dr. Blessing Makunike from a journalist colleague Godwin Mangudya. 

Apart from the shock of the news, I was deeply saddened that a cde who was relatively young had passed on. 

Dr Makunike was my and many others senior at the University of Zimbabwe. To be specific he was a teaching assistant in the Political and Administrative studies in the Faculty of Humanities then run by the late Professor Mukonoweshuro in 1997. 

He worked closely with again the late Professor Masipula Sithole as his tutorial assistant for a course titled (cdes can correct me if I am wrong) "Survey of Political Ideas". And subsequently on another course which related to Zimbabwe's political history and Pan Africanism. I cannot quite recall its title. 

So we were undergraduates and he was assiduosly studying for his PhD. Together with, if I remember correctly now Dr. Knox Zengeni who also tutored us at that time. 

Dr. Makunike was an undergraduate students helper. He was allowed to review our assignments for the courses he tutored and generously gave humorous advice about where we had messed up. Be it in referencing or factual and theoretical misnomers. 

He was affable to a fault. He would talk to us as though we were his peers but he was already doing a PhD. And he would wade into student politics with snide comments about how we, his students, didn't know what we were doing. 

This was based on his own history of student activism as he would explain it to us. 

He had a great relationship with the Students Union at the University of Zimbabwe. He, as rumour had it, helped Tafadzwa Musekiwa, who was later on to become Zimbabwe's first youngest Member of Parliament, campaign to again become the first vice president of the University of Zimbabwe Students union coming from the department of Political and Administrative Studies (PolAd). 

He gushed over the achievement of a student of political science being a vice president of the students union. And thereafter he always followed Prof Masipula Sitholes dictum of arguing that you cannot study political science if you don't want to practice it. 

We would laugh about this in tutorials about Africa and Zimbabwe while arguing about Samuel Huntington or even Nkrumah, Ujamaa and Pan Africanism. 

And for sure he had a satirical sense of humour when some of us got low marks.

Moreso when laughing at how, why and where we got it wrong

If I remember correctly he also directed myself, Linus Tsuro, Chofamba Sithole and Charles Mangongera to visit the main University's Stack Room 3 more often! That was the main floor for many social science students library readings as listed in course outlines. 

In all of this he was focused on finishing his post graduate studies. And when he got his PhD most of us the R97s had left the University if Zimbabwe.

He had also moved on to the academic registrars department . I think he had a speciality in administration.

And he eventually became a deputy academic registrar with a focus on post-graduate studies. 

But I will never forget that time he asked me, 'Pinda mu SRC mpfana (get into the SRC young man)'. This was after a meeting where mdara Morgan Tsvangirai and cde Thoko Matshe among many others had come to address the students union on the issue of a new constitution in 1998. I had waffled a question that got rapturous applause. And my brother Witness Zhangazha was already a Campus celebrity.

Dr. Makunike was ever active in following student politics and understanding the dynamics of the same.

When I won the SRC presidential election in 1998 he laughed at me and said, 'Yah, now you will know the real political science'. And for sure I learnt the hard way. But thanks to his regular advice, I survived suspensions and expulsion. 

Post my undergraduate studies and as emplyees, Dr. Makunike would after 2004 occasionally phone for a meet up. He, like his mentor Prof Masipula Sithole would say 'ngatiitei one'. He would normally be with cde Godwin Mangudya and we would meet at the press club at Ambassador Hotel, Harare before they made their way to Mufakose. 

When I would ask him about politics cde Dr Blessing Makunike would just say 'takakudzidzisei vapfana?' (What did we teach you?) And he would give a haughty life while we were convivially imbibing. 

My impression of the now late Dr. Makunike was that I could tell a man who had an intellectual presence that did not require the usual praise and sing songs. He believed in his work. He gave the impression he loved it. And I believe that to be completely true.

Furthermore he had no problem with passing on the baton stick. 

I remember trying to get into academia and setting up a meeting.with him at the registrars office at the University of Zimbabwe. I got the appointment. He told me, ""Imbomira sonny. Pano panonetsa. " 

We can only thank him for the consciousness. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity 

Twitter: @TakuraZhangazha