Monday 18 October 2021

Remembering Reading in Zimbabwe: Books, Libraries as Sources of Progressive Consciousness.

By Takura Zhangazha*

In 1998 I had to undertake a research project for a course called Theory and Practice of Public Policy for my undergraduate studies.   I had decided that I would do it on the Bikita Rural District Council budgeting processes because since its my rural district I knew I would have the relevant support from both my parents’ families for my basic necessities.   I had also saved some money from what we sort of still had in the form of government student payouts/grants to cover any other ancillary costs.

In my over enthusiasm at a semblance of material independence , I had boarded the wrong bus to Bikita.  It was a Mhunga transport services one. On the front it was labelled as travelling to Gutu/Mupandawana and Nyika growth points with equal prominence.  What I had not seen between the lines was the fact that it was going to pass through Bhasera, then Mupamaonde on the Masvingo-Mutare highway and finally to Nyika growth point. 

So the bus arrived in Gutu and took a turn that I was not familiar with on the Bhasera road.  In slight panic I asked the bus conductor how we were going to get to Nyika and he laughed at me but also assured me that I need not worry and that I would arrive at Nyika growth point by late afternoon.  By the time we got to Mupamaonde the surroundings were much more familiar and I disembarked from the bus before it made its U-turn to Nyika. I then boarded a kombi service run by a former Member of Parliament called Matimba that plied the Masvingo-Birchenough bridge route and safely arrived at home a number of hours later than anticipated. 

In my satchel though I carried two specific novels besides my hardcover note-writing books. These were Bessie Head’s, ‘A Question of Power’ and Steve Biko’s collection of essays titled ‘I Write What I Like’.  I had carried these two books with me because I knew with at least two weeks of seeking out research and no electricity at home in Tamirepi village I would need to occupy time.  And I thought it best to do so by reading. 

I had purchased the two books from Kingston’s bookstore with University of Zimbabwe book prize vouchers.  And while in Bikita it rained the proverbial cats and dogs. So I was stuck and my only solace was the fact that I could read Head’s ‘Sello’ character with curiosity and also dabble in a new consciousness via Biko’s forthright black consciousness. 

After at least two days of rain and reading, I again boarded a Mhunga bus to Nyika growth-point and lo and behold my paternal uncle was on the same bus to collect his teacher’s salary from the bank or building society.   I explained to him why I was home and he actively encouraged that I at least read and pass my university courses and help others in the family once I had done so. 

At Nyika growth point, we parted ways for some hours.  He went to the bank and I went to the satellite office of the Bikita Rural District Council.  We met later for the last (you guessed it, Mhunga)  bus service from Bulawayo on its way to Mutare and given the fact that I had Biko’s book in hand he asked me what I was reading.  I explained that I was reading for the fun of it on South African liberation politics and he said it’s a good thing that I was seeking knowledge via reading books.  Though he didn’t quite understand how it would help with the research I was claiming to be undertaking.  I dropped off at Mushuku bus top while he went on to the Chibvumani drop off point.  And again I spent the next week compiling my research notes but also reading Head and Biko. 

I have been elaborate about this because the two books I read in that period helped me combine idealism and reality.  Both in a rural and black consciousness sense.   And my bus ride conversations with my uncle made more nuanced the perspectives from which to think about not only my then geographical locality but also recognize the key historical challenges of Zimbabwe, global humanity and future African generations (which I considered myself to be part of at that time). 

But all of this would never have crossed my mind if I did not have those two books in my satchel.  With hindsight, it is clear to me that reading them, even under candlelight, clarified my understanding of not only where I was, but also what I valued the most about Zimbabwean society.   Admittedly Bessie Head was much more difficult to read and understand than Biko but both gave searing insights into the African condition. 

In contemporary Zimbabwe, books are now regrettably frowned upon.  Particularly books written by African writers that are not always focused on ‘poverty porn’.  Young people are encouraged to read those books that make them pass exams or biographies of individuals that they will never mimic in real life that became multi-billionaires (even after dropping out of tertiary colleges).    

Be that as it may, libraries, bookstores remain objective key nodes of organic knowledge acquisition and dissemination.  And we should always actively encourage young Zimbabweans to be comfortable with reading a book.  After all when they watch movies on streaming platforms or dabble in social media a majority of what they consume always comes from the written word. In the form of an essay, novel or script.  

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com) 

 

 

 

Friday 15 October 2021

Political Debate in Zimbabwe: Memory, Populism and Emotion

By Takura Zhangazha*

One hot afternoon at the University of Zimbabwe, we were in a tutorial for a course called Development Administration.  The technical aspects of the course combined with the weather made the mood rather snoozy until one of our classmates suddenly said, " Let me catapult this discussion to a higher level".  We all burst out in laughter.  Not only at the oddity of the statement but because perhaps he did indeed have a ‘higher’ angle to whatever technical questions about rural development we were discussing.  It turned out that he didn’t quite change the mood.  Though every time we meet with former classmates who were present on that day, we sometimes have hearty laughs about the incident.  

I have given this anecdotal example mainly because I would like to discuss the nature, intent and assumed levels of political discourse in Zimbabwe.  I however do not intend to claim that I can ‘catapult it’ to any other levels. 

What is however apparent is that there are a number of perspectives of how political debate is being shaped in contemporary Zimbabwe.  These are based mainly on personal political persuasions which also inform general social media banter.  In rare instances, they are based on either factual or academic analysis but again even these angles cannot escape some forms of bias.   Even if they are purveyed via mainstream media outlets which also remain politically polarized. 

A general overview of how our political discourse is now being shaped points to at least three angles.  These are namely the ‘emotional or populist’ angle, the ‘proof of loyalty’ angle and the ‘default ideological’ angle. 

I will start by analyzing the most ubiquitous one which is that of the emotional/populist approach to debates.  Over the last twenty years our national politics has been binary mainly due to the two main antagonistic political parties in the form of Zanu PF and the mainstream opposition MDCs. In this, our political culture has become characterized by a strident form of populism either side of the political divide.  Including populist accusations and counter accusations by either party as to their true character and meaning in our national politics.  Moreover, due to the occurrence of disputed elections and in the majority of electoral campaigns’ since 2000 high levels of politically motivated violence, many Zimbabweans who experienced the latter are extremely emotional about their political opinions and those they support.  Especially if they are opposition political party supporters.  They will never accept Zanu Pf as a ruling party in their debates and continue to assume that at some point they will eventually come to power.  Neither will ardent Zanu Pf supporters who either have benefitted from the radical land reform programme (both urban and rural) or fought in the liberation struggle accept opposition rule.  Even after Mugabe was removed from power. 

This brings us to the second element of our discourse angles which is closely linked to the first.  This being that of debate as proof of loyalty. There are many instances where there is no point to actually engage in what would be objective argumentation with influential individuals.  Mainly because there is always a patent desire on their part to demonstrate a specific loyalty to their party of choice. Even where and when facts point to a different perspective.   While this is not preferable in our context it regrettably remains somewhat understandable.  This is how we sort of are. For now.  It’s a combination of stubborn loyalty and in part semi-religious fervor that shapes the discourse in this particular direction.  Including assumptions of self-righteousness in our politics. Whichever way you want to look at.  

The third strand of political debate in Zimbabwe is the default ideological one.  Whatever polarizes our political debate, whichever political opinion that many people hold, there is always a default acceptance of neoliberalism as some sort of shared panacea to our country’s problems.  I personally am not a neoliberal ideologue but the dominance of materialism and assumptions of the free market or private capital as being a sign of political progress in our political debates is something that cannot be wished away.  This means that there are no fundamental disagreements in mainstream political discourse.  It is mainly a question of who is personally preferably in power.  Not necessarily what they can change from an ideological viewpoint.  So we are at a place where there is quite literally limited counter-hegemonic debate mainly because we have highly personalized what we consider political struggles and even what can be considered political progress.

As a final and relatively abstract point, we may need to enquire how contemporary political debate in Zimbabwe remains encapsulated in relatively egocentric narratives.  That it rarely transcends the immediate and the material.  Almost as though it were being done for an external gallery/audience before it is about the people of Zimbabwe. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)