Remembering the Liberatory/ Educational Value of the Religious Missionary School in Present Day Zimbabwe

Tuesday, 10 November 2026

By Takura Zhangazha*

As an adult individual I occassionally reflect on a very personal historical fact that I am very much Catholic mission educated. 

As are some of my peers and many of my relatives. 

By 'mission educated' I know it means many different things to many of them/us. 

It may mean that we were lucky to eventually get the specific college or university enabling education that we acquired after Zimbabwe's national independence and in its peace-time wherein we were part of the almost born-free 'generation'. 

 

Most of us came from comparatively poor economic backgrounds and our parents would never have been able to consistently afford the type of education we received in primary or secondary school. 

Historically all of this is mainly because of the fact that at the onset of formal colonialism, after the First Chimurenga, education became key to 'black' at that time Rhodesian political, economic and social upward mobility. 

Ditto Joshua Nkomo, Robert Mugabe, Reuben Jamela, James Chikerema and Morris Nyagumbo, Michael Mawema among many others! 

Moreso with the rapid colonial state expansion and urbanisation via mining and agricultural towns after the 'first world war' in 1918. 

The two sides of the same coin were ironically not the same. 

The expanding settler colonial state required educated 'natives' and at the same time needed racial segregation as a differentiation factor about again, racialised economic privilege. 

As learnt from genocidal tendencies in for example the then not so 'new colonies' of Australia, India, South Africa, Brazil, Madagascar and others. 

So again, the two sides of the same coin were as we learnt in high school history (as basic and controlled as it was) are quite the opposite of each other. 

One recognised/celebrated colonial history in a Livingstonian sense the three C's -Christianity, Commerce, Civilisation, while the other asserted racial superiority/racism/apartheid as the cornerstone of the other side. In an contradictory/oxymoronic sense.

With Christianity as central to the colonial control mix. 

But we, as Africans, at least now with historical hindsight, took it in stride. 

Particularly by the time we got to the Second Chimurenga in the 1960s. Where most recruits to war voluntarily and in some cases were forcibly recruited to it from, again, mission schools. 

Most of of our Second Chimurenga nationalist founding fathers/mothers in Zimbabwe and Southern Africa will attest to the fact that they passed through, if they are still alive or now part of our liberation struggle history, that they attended one 'mission school' or the other. 

Before or during our second liberation struggles.

Or in some cases after independence itself with the carry over missions in Zimbabwe such as for example Silveira in the Chishawasha valley or St Peters Kubatana vocational training college in Highfields. 

All of whom were intricably linked to not only formal colonial racialised education but came to serve a critical role in post independent Zimbabwe as 'technical/vocational training colleges for former war veterans and refugees.

For a marginalised and poor black majority. 

I could write forever on the history of mission schools and vocational training colleges. 

The key issue however in this relatively brief write up is what obtains of them in the contemporary? 

Whereas the original Christian and in my personl experience Catholic mission schools after the onset of colonialism had what we would now refer to as a 'philanthropic' face for 'black education' in aide of the Livingstonian '3 C's', the contemporary ones are caught up in a contradictory space and place in post 46 year independent Zimbabwe. 

Including the key but somewhat unanswerable question of whether they are still 'mission schools'? Warts and all.

It is a very theological question that however is faced with a reduction of global funding for missionary related education. 

One which now combines academic excellence with religiosity, neo-liberalism and high individualism (what in sociology is referred to as the 'Protestant Ethic') makes even the 'good-intentions' of mission schools/colleges now historically abstract. 

I will explain. 

There is now a deliberate push to privatise what were historically intellectually enabling and in part liberatory schools for Africans. 

An intention that includes not only privatising them but also to mimic the former colonial government's school models' administrative structures without the necessary quantitative financial subsidies. Either from the state or private funders.

Except where and when these costs are passed on to the parent/guardian as not only a commitment to a measurement of academic support for an offspring's eventual academic success.

Or proof of potential job security as long as one can pay exhorbitant fees as a parent/guardian to get the not so little cde to a university overseas for a degree they may not finish due to lack of affordability/money. And other reasons.

In this, the previous assumption of the poor African child being able to get that necessary education to climb the post-colonial economic ladder is lost. 

The most striking and dissapointing irony however is how most of us who came from a background of how after losing a parent/ guardian or both of the aforementioned losing income and sending us to school in/on the Christian mission school system, like me, would now be at the forefront of privatising the same? 

This is a complete contradiction where we cannot discuss education in its historical, holistic and futurist terms beyond what you can pay as a parent or guardian in the contemporary.

Almost like asking yourself the Stimela and Ray  Phiri question of, "Where did we go wrong?"

And where cdes who would have otherwise been denied the mission education they eventually acquired would in today's world would never have entered their current professions' doors without it. 

The key point, as I conclude, is that without subsidised mission or government education, we will lose out on multiple talents, academic-sporting or otherwise,  if we pursue the current policy that this current Zimbabwean government has of privatising education. Unrelentillingly.

Or even letting it run rampant on the basis of bedding, breakfasts, lunches or dinners without crosschecking the homes, villages, locations that all these young male and female Zimbabweans are coming from in order to be marked as present in class.

Across colour, economic class and race/ethnicity.

Including the churches that assume because of the national government's pro-privatisation policies they can casually ignore the progressive historicity of 'missionary education' to Zimbabwe's contemporary, still uneven education access arena.

Wherein it is easy to forget that if it were not for missionary education and its intrinsic people centered values, colonial warts and all, Zimbabwe would not be free.

Nor would a good number of those that went to high school on missionary scholarships, suffered long walks to their 'O' and 'A' level exams, got government payouts at tertiary education level, be screaming at each other in mission school halls about the ability to pay school fees or kicking children out of the same said schools! 

On the false consciousness of 'arrival' for their children'.

While pushing for the privatisation of the same. 

If cdes are going to repeat a bottle-neck of colonially designed education for our young ones, let it not be about money and mimicry.

There are better models of this globally. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

Avoiding Rasputins:Johanne Masowe eChishanu (JMC) and a Dramatic Political Influence in Zimbabwe.

By Takura Zhangazha*

Since the tragic passing in a helicopter crash of Wicknell Chivhayo in late September this year (2026) members of the apostolic sect referred to as Johanne Masowe eChishanu (JMC) have either gone apoplectic on social media. 

Or are in some sort of religious reticence. 

The larger than life character role that Wicknell Chivhayo (also a designated a provincial hero by the current government) played in their religious sect/church was apparent for all Zimbabweans to see. 

He bought cars for individual leaders of the various JMC's prayer groups. 

It turns out they dont have districts or 'structures' in a typical organisational sense. 

You can check on who among these JMC leaders received luxury vehicles on social media after 'seeing Victor'. 

It is in the formal and populist public domain. 

The late provincial hero also gave buses to various prayer groups of the JMC for them to use to attend big prayer meetings of the same.

Including one held in Highfields, Harare at what was referred to as the 'Gwanzura Shrine' on 15 August 2026 that president Mnangagwa personally attended and spoke at.  

With Wicknell Chivayo in highly influential tow. 

While I generally avoid writing about the mixing/interactions of religion with political ambitions or influence, on this one the social media furore raised by the 'madzibabas' has made it a matter of public interest to analyse.

In previous writings on religion at best I would sometimes refer to it in Marxist terms, such as it being the 'opium of the people'- a now very stoic term to be honest. 

Because religion appears to be intrinsic to an emerging 'false national consciousness' in Zimbabwe.

Unlike the days of the liberation struggle and in the late 1980s and late 1990s in Zimbabwe. 

Also, when one writes on religion and politics in contemporary Zimbabwe, one has to also be sensitive to the right of freedom of worship within the ambit of our broader 2013 Constitutional Bill of Rights.(While we still have it!)

Including being also sensitive to friends and family in various churches such as the JMC that are whole-hearted believers in their own way.

Or own right.

So yes, I 'gat frenz' (a popular Zimbabwean slang terminology) that attend the Johanne Masowe eChishanu church. 

Some liked Wicknell  Chivayo's philanthropy even beyond the prayer congregations they belong to. As long as they got the buses, cash or cars! 

Others felt that it was a departure from their multiple interpretations of their own faith. As determined by their founder Johanne Masowe. 

Their differences came to glaring light via social media and accusations of a lack of 'chiporofiti' to prevent their benefactor Wicknell Chivhayo's tragic death in a helicopter crash.

Including accusations of prior visits to holy shrines (graves) without permission.

This was because, as it turns out, the JMC functions without a central organisational hierarchy but on the basis of what they refer to as 'tsananguro' (explanation of and the meaning of the faith from Johanne Masowe weChishanu's own words). 

This is also as enabled by a 'muporofiti' or 'vaporofiti' (prophet/s) who sort of function independent of each other most of the time. 

In their various prophetic power capacities and their own congregants

Then there is a structure of 'vadare' (committee of the gathering) who are generally assumed to be the elders or most committed of the congregation/faith.

In all of this there are assumptions on one side of either 'genuine faith' and  'genuine prophets'.

On the other there are accusations of 'false prophets' and again 'non-genuine interpretations' of the 'faith'. 

That is what I could glean from a brief conversation with my friend of the JMC faith.

And also that the closest they had to a hierachical structure was an implied understanding of their faith having something called the 'Top 5'. 

One which was disagreeing on the late Wicknell's largesse and what it meant to their faithful multitudes beyond its materialism. 

As an outsider both to the JMC church/faith and the internal role it is playing in the ruling Zanu Pf party before and after Chivayo's passing on, I have made three (3) observations. 

The first is that the Johanne Masowe eChishanu (JMC) church wields significant political influence in Zimbabwean politics. Especially in the immediate where this influence was expanded by Wicknell Chivayo's 'philanthropic' role in their faith. 

Including getting a serving president to sit barefoot at their Gwanzura shrine this year.

And that in this first observation, the state and the JMC are closely intertwined in both ruling party and church politics to create a specifically unchallengeable political hegemony based on mixing 'prophecy'/ 'chiporofiti' with personal material and political ambitions. 

In the second observation, I have also learnt that there are narratives that seek to undermine Zimbabwe as a clearly secular state. 

Where religion and politics are given to be at least legally and in cultural assumption, separated.

In other words where power comes before the prayer and not vice versa. Or where political ideology, organisation supersedes superstition and prayers atop mountains!  

Unless in a moment of 'false consciousness' one seeks to create, as an example 'pre-Soviet Union 'Rasputins' all over the country to influence a Zimbawean presidency that was never designed to replicate a historically contested Munhumutapa empire.

From the behaviour of the JMC cdes and other celebrity pentecostal pastors, they demonstrate a tendency toward 'Rasptunism'. 

One in which they think their religioisity and proximity political power gives them unique status to talk about anything and everything political. 

Not only in Zanu Pf's evident political succession battles but also their own churches' and influence circles.

The third and final lesson I have learnt is that the Johanne Masowe eChishanu (JMC) leaders, vaporofiti (self claimed or otherwise) are exceedingly humourous and social media savvy! 

Not only in the way they have been attacking each other after Wicknell Chivhayo passed on. 

But also in their names. For example 'Madzibaba Kobo' -'Madzibaba DVD', 'Madzibaba Flocha Dispenser'  among others. 

And how they all for example claim to be the individually chosen mu 'porofit' wa Johanne. Anoona! 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

An Apology from a Human and Political Rights Activist from Zimbabwe (We Will Recover)

By Takura Zhangazha*

We, and by this I mean comrades of the 1997-2000 political activist crew, get laughed at a lot. The key issue is always '"Ndobva zvadii paya?"

We were the frontrunners of the nascent Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in Zimbabwe. 

Our parents knew that we were there on the frontlines of challenging Zanu Pf hegemony. 

They sort of supported us but also warned us to be sure/certain of what we were doing. 

In youthful bravado we insisted that we have it right. 

And that we were going to bring the country back to a democratic path under the leadership of the late Morgan Tsvangirai. 

True to intention in the year 2000 some of us became Members of Parliament and councillors in local governemnt. 

In 2009 some of us became ministers in central government because of the inclusive government mediated by Thabo Mbeki via the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC).

The cdes that went into government at that time had a clear task of enabling a transition from Zanu Pf's long duree rule. To a more democratic Zimbabwe. 

They failed. 

They got co-opted into state largesse and corruption and lost their political moral compass which led to them losing the 2013 general elections. 

I will personally admit that by that time we had lost the popular values of the struggle against Zanu Pf's autocracy. 

We had become comfortable in our own false consciousness skins. 

And Morgan Tsvangirai's populist attitude did not help bring us back to a much needed organic national consciousness. 

Even after he passed away the emerging national opposition leaders such as Nelson Chamisa, Tendai Biti, Elias Mudzuri, Charlton Hwende, Sengezo Tshabangu, Thoko Khuphe, Job Sikhala, Douglas Mwonzora, Lovemore Madhuku, Jacob Ngaribvume among many others lost their way. 

They either became too religious or pandered to a global narrative of democracy as merely being electoral. And seeking an approval from the 'white gaze'. 

As a long-standing pro-democracy activist in Zimbabwe, I therefore feel it is prudent that I apologise. 

I have to apologise for the fact that we did not try hard enough to challenge Zanu Pf's undemocratic hegemony. 

I also have to apologise that we didnt organise the mainstream MDC better beyond Morgan's hold on it.

Including the fact that when he passed things fell spectacularly politically apart. 

My apology is also a recognition of the necessity of recovery. 

And the necessity of optimism. 

We now know that Zanu Pf has come to a general political persuasion of permanent rule. 

In fact it is in its own 'self belief' mode of an  assumption of permanent political perpetuity.

With the arrogance of assuming there is never going to be another MDC or as nationally important a leader such as Morgan Tsvangirai to rival it.

Hence they have arrogantly amended the national constitution to extend the current presidents term of office. 

Including making our national Parliament an electoral college for the next president. 

We therefore see the emergence of an oligarchy. 

Both political and economic. 

This being an attempt at creating a permanent ruling class via the Mnangagwa presidency but without a clear equivalent Chinese ideological focus. In its pepertuity.

But I am sure that pro-democracy and social justice movements will recover. 

They may be down and out in an Orwellian sense but the nodes of a progressive counter-hegemonic struggle are there.

 The mustard seed was sown. Ideologically. 

Most of the doubters are now embedded in the current state system and its patronage. With a majority of them being tenderpreneurs that are paid slowly. 

Be it in infrastructural development or state related financial and event management activities.

The key point however is that what the current Zimbabwean government is doing, even without a clear opposition party, the people are not only seeing. They are also remembering. 

As am I. 

The targeting of vendors, destruction of houses, the lack of affordable public health services and the privatisation of education and public transport are unforgettable matters.  

As progressive activists for the equitable betterment of Zimbabwe, we may be down and out. But I promise, we will recover. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

The Urgency of a Renewed Progressive People Centered Pan Africanism

In these trying times for Pan Africanism one occassionally reverts back to its intellectual origins. 

Or at least how one encountered it. 

From the intellectual writings and organic activism of the African Americans such as W.E. du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X. 

Or the amazing writings and again actions of for example the African Carribeans George Padmore and Walter Rodney. 

We can also historically crossover to the minutes of the  Pan Africanist Congresses that occurred in London and Paris in years 1900, 1919, 1921, 1923 and 1945. 

I may have missed some but the last one of that period in 1945 gave us on the African continent the likes of Nkrumah (Ghana) , Cabral (Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde), Kenyatta (Kenya), Neto (Angola) and Nyerere (Tanzania). 

But even before the political struggles there were the cultural ones. 

We had our critical anti-colonial authors, musicians and religious leaders. 

These included those that were griots or spirit mediums during our initial anti-colonial struggles such as those that shaped for example the Maji Maji rebellions in Tanzania. 

The first Chimurenga in Zimbabwe. 

The Mau Mau rebellion as led by Dedan Kimathi and others in Kenya. 

And in the post second world war era those that shaped Pan African liberatory and literary discourse like Amos Tutuola, Chinua Achebe and later on the likes of Ngugi wa Thiongo, Peter Abrahams, Bessie Head and many youthful others like Dambudzo Marechera. 

But the point of this article is not the historicity of Pan Africanism

It is more about its future. 

One that however must be grounded in the same said history of progressive struggles against the repression of racism, colonialism and a renewed neo-colonialism.

But more significantly review the contemporary versions and understandings of what it Pan Africanism now means. 

I am sure I have written about Pan Africansim before. And perhaps in a very Fanonian and Nyerereist sense. 

But its most dominant version, which I disagree with is its African Rennaisance 'Mbekite' (Thabo Mbeki, former South African president) version. 

Mainly because of its comparatively easy desire to integrate Africa into a 'third way' global neoliberalism. 

Even if it sometimes had moments of brilliance such as having prevented an invasion of Zimbabwe in 2008 by Tony Blair (UK) and George Bush (USA) based on their doctrine of 'liberal interventionism'. As they did in Afghanistan and Iraq. 

What is however now obtaining is a convoluted assumption of Pan Africanism being about 'capitalism' and in my own country Zimbabwe's case 'the ease of doing business'. 

Or generally, an abstract, distant seat at the table for geographically 'African' businesses/even oligarchs at the seat of global (western) capitalist tables. Inclusive of hobnobing with techno-feudalists such as Musk for a dollar out of the African peoples 15 cents! 

All without an organic understanding of why Pan Africanism was an urgent ideologically lived struggle for the continent beyond geographical placement. 

So we need a renewed, revived and organic Pan Africanism. 

One grounded in our own historical realities but primed to meet the past with the present and the future. 

One that understands that technologies such as artifical intelligence (AI) are both the equivalent of a Maxim gun but also an enabler of better human development like a solar energy panel. 

We need a Pan Africanism that responds more to global realties with a people-centered lense. 

And pro-actively prevents proxy wars for rare-earth minerals and talks back to the global north's still imperialistic and racist foreign policies. 

Even where we argue for Pan African self-reliance we would do well to remember the resolution of the United Nations General Assembly (sponsored by Ghana) (Resolution 217A III) on reparations for slavery.

We are, as Africans, owed these reparations not only for slavery/the slave trade but also for colonialism and its devastating afyer effects via our loss of agency.

So we cannot argue simplistically about 'self-reliance' when we do not analyse why we are where we are in the first place. 

Ask any African crossing the Sahel why they are going to Europe and most times they will give an explanation of having been told that thats where life is better. Even as  the mineral wealth of where they are going comes from their own countries of origin.

We therefore have to re-confront a racist global imperialistic infrastructure for what it exactly is via a revived Pan Africanism.

Moreso in an age of AI and clear oligarchal techno-feudalism.

And above all, we must remain optimistic. We shall overcome. 

Only if we retain our own Pan Africanist consciousness.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

In Defence of Zimbabwe's Continuing Struggle for Further Democracy

By Takura Zhangazha*

Back in February 2008, before the same year's disputed harmonised general elections that gave us an inclusive government by 2009, some cdes (I cannot name them without their persmission) and I decided we needed a Zimbabwe People's Charter.

We had read on the South African anti-apartheid struggle "Peoples Charter" history ( it was very fashionable at the time) and decided to sort of contextually, organically structure the same for our own country's -post independence further democratisation struggles.

Not in a legalistic way. But more in a visionary but ideological format. 

And also as an attempt to bring a run-away working people's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party as led by the late great trade unionist Morgan Tsvangirai to heel.

We then (and still) understood ourselves to be social democrats or outright socialists!

You know those that wanted to balance the progressive interests of the people with those of neo-liberal private capital in a Mbekite "African Rennaisance" sense. 

It was a Pan Africanist 'fad' at that time. 

And in any event we, also again at that time, liked Thabo Mbeki's (former South African president and SADC appointed mediator on Zimbabwe's 2008 political crisis ) version of a modernised, contemporary, pro-democracy Pan Africanism. 

Until accusations of him siding with the late Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe came to the fore as he led the SADC mediation team after the still disputed 2008 election results where we had to have an opposition boycotted presidential run-off election.

But prior to that, in February 2008 as cdes we had pushed on with what we considered a very important Zimbabwe Peoples Charter.

Despite a shoe-string budget, multiple and nationally representative Zimbabwean civil society organisations came up with what we considered a progressively balanced but left leaning Zimbabwe Peoples Charter.

The event that endorsed this happened at what we still know to be the Rainbow Towers (former Sheraton Hotel) in Harare in February of 2008 prior to the harmonised elections scheduled for the same year. At least 3000 people attended. 

Given the multiple global private capital interests in the economic future of Zimbabwe after the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) we were navigating difficult ideological waters. 

We had for an example the remnants of the Commercial Farmers Union of Zimbabwe (CFUZ), the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) representing the right. 

With the General and Agricultural Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ), the broader and most powerful workers union in post independent Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) representing the left all supporting us without reservation. 

But for different reasons.

We also had the the 'never say die' attitude of a progressive Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) accompanied by the then radical feminist organisation, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) and also the then nascent Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCZ) which to us was a legitimate crossover from the Association of Womens Clubs of Zimbabwe. 

Among them were many other progressive organisations, in no particular order of preference, such as the International Socialist Organisation of Zimbabwe (ISO-Zimbabwe), the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition (CZC), the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), the Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) and the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Zimbabwe) where I worked at that time. 

We suffered but we continued in this peaceful non-violent and human rights based struggle for a more democratic Zimbabwe. 

Cdes were arrested, beaten, abducted and in some cases killed for their progressive activism. 

But we knew we were not leading an outright revolution. 

We were doing what at that time was contemporary pro-democracy public advocacy. 

With elections as a key instrument for delivering progressive political change. In an almost given unversal format of pro-democracy activism.

Including in the phase of the then SADC mediated inclusive government of 2009-2013. 

Until the then MDC morphed into a bastion of a global neo-liberal ideological outlook. 

Contrary to the history of its own working peoples movement genesis (beginning/origin). 

What we did not see/envision was the political pushback of the neo-liberal and state-capitalism establishment. 

That is to say, we rarely thought of the historical state and global capitalist underbelly that was also watching us and making its own plans to retain its economic and ideological hegemony/ supremacy. 

As is now apparent the ruling establishment co-opted some of us ( in Parliament, local government or national commissions) and re-invented itself and survived to the extent of now talking about how to manages its assumed permanence. 

With money, 'zvigananda'/ 'mbinga' culture, religion and a 'trickle down' national political economy as its populist neo-liberal ideological functional pretext. 

But we have come full circle in the struggle for the further democratisation of Zimbabwe. 

And we must atone for our own sins in how we have let it come to this. 

The progressive labour and student movements are faltering. 

The ideological arguments are becoming vague. Even if I personally remain a socialist.

And while the people of Zimbabwe are no longer imbued with any collective political optimism but materialist individualism.

But as my high school basketball coach, Blah Roderick, used to shout at us in his Arcadia accent, "YOU'VE GOST TO RECOVER EXE!!"

The struggle for a more democratic, people centered Zimbabwe continues. Its in a bad space and place at the moment. 

But I am optimistic it will reconfigure itself with nationally motivated agency and a required urgency beyond personalities or racist attacks about international solidarity. 

Even if the ruling establishment seeks to create an oligarchy.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

Reviving Zimbabwean and African Public Intellectualism

Takura Zhangazha*

I have to complete reading two books soon. Both published this year (2026). 

I am not reading them simultaneously, otherwise the authors would get upset. 

And for the fact that I could not practically do it anyway.

One of the new books is by Professor Mhoze Chikowero. 

The other by Percy Zvomuya. 

The one by Prof Chikowero is titled, "The Military Entertainment Complex: Chimurenga Afrocentric Making of Zimbabwe."

The other one is by Blah Percy Zvomuya and is a biography of Robert Mugabe titled "Robert Mugabe: The Black Victorian". 

Both are very interesting books because they trigger in most Zimbabwean academic, public or even wannabe intellectuals a curiosity via not only their given book titles but also peer reviews from a generation of Zimbabweans that still respect intellectualism and intellectual effort. 

Not only in history, sociology, political science but also arts (music, art, literature), anthropology, economics, economic history, religious studies, or languages and linguistics. 

Admitedly these intellectuals are getting fewer because there is a general assumption that intellectualsim does not pay (literally).

Nor does it have a neo-liberal celebrity cultural market that can be paraded on for example CNN/BBC/AlJazeera or social media platforms for eyeballs, views or clicks. 

All in order to fit a particular global narrative that is neither critical or progressive. 

And defined in a populist Trumpian 'pub' or 'religious and 'racist' conversation sense. 

So I have to read these two new books by Prof Mhoze and Bla Percy in defence of a necessary African intellectualism.  

One that cannot be allowed to dissipate at the alter of populist neo-liberal and inorganic intellectualism. 

My intended reading of the books however does not take away necessary or relevant critiques of their work from other cdes who may have different views on their subject matters. 

Instead it reinforces not only their commitment to their organic intellectualism but also their willingness to air their views. 

Even if senior officials from the Zimbabwean government may get upset.

Moreso as a counter to not only a national but global necessity in the wake of regressive, repressive and revisionist global historical narratives. 

Including those that intend to wish away African global being, historicity and in the populist present, in the name of fighting immigrants or 'building racist walls' along borders to prove a false superiority complex.

But is also a given that the corporatisation of intellectualism is among us. 

We now generally have an understanding that to be defined as an organic thinker for your society or the world, one has to fit into a neo-liberal praxis. 

And use phrases such as the 'ease of doing business' as an entry point to being smart in order to get away with the murder of trampling upon the poorer working classes in society.

Almost in Dickensian fashion when he wrote about Mr. Pip! 

Or our very own Marechera when he wrote rather graphically about "The House of Hunger" in relation to his experiences in colonial and largely Christian Rhodesia at the height of our liberation war for the independence of Zimbabwe. 

But there are increasing moments where we are losing a necessary intellectualism about and with the existence of the current Zimbabwean state. 

Moments in which we are overdoing religion as linked to corporatism to the extent that we have become too individiualistic and beholden to the worst vestiges of the same said attendant individualistic materialism. 

In all of its populist, social media driven culture as owned by global technofeudalists such as Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerburg and others. 

But I am going to read the books I have from Prof Chikowero and Cde Percy as cited above because as Africans we will always need to think deeper about our societies.

Their origins, history and their future(s). 

And their placement in contemporary global politics and power contestations post not only our independence struggles but also post the Cold War and the newly touted 'multi-polar, neo-liberal world' with China's complicity.

This is something that requires a defense of African intellectual thought that may be found in books/academic works but more significantly beyond ephemeral podcasts or social media posts. 

And to link younger African generations to the necessity of organic intellectualism as of old via for example, Nyerere, Cabral and Lumumba.

A people centered intellectualism beyond chasing the US dollar where in its monetary source of origin, intellectualism is no longer respected let alone enough to influence politics unless it is racist and populist. 

Anyway let me get back to reading these two new books by Prof Chikowero and Bla Percy Zvomuya at respectable and seperated thought pace.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

The UNGA @81: The World Still Belongs to Its Peoples. I am a #UN Aficionado.

Tuesday, 22 September 2026

The UN General Assembly @81: The World Still Belongs to Its Peoples. (I am a #UN Aficionado)

By Takura Zhangazha *

I am an avid (aficionado), African, Southern African, Zimbabwean supporter of the historical, liberatory, peacekeeping and global equality developmental role of the United Nations (UN).

Moreso when it is holding its UN General Assembly (UNGA) at 81 years.

Wherein even if I may sound like a broken record, but I will re-emphasise,

'The liberation of Africa would never have been possible without the important role of the UNGA.'

From the historic speeches to it by the likes of legends such as Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Fidel Castro amd Ahmed Ben Bellah. 

All done at the height of our own African liberation struggles for independence in the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, 1990s which required progressive Pan African and global solidarity. 

Even if we were during that time at the apocalyptic height of the then global  'Cold War'. 

Or even now where and when when we still have to push back against genocides in Gaza. Or never ending wars in the DRC, Sudan, Myanmar and Ukraine! 

Anyway, so when the penultimate former African settler colony, South Africa, gained independence after sustained global international diplomacy that at its peak included UNGA Resolution 591 of 1986, calling for a fully democratic state and an end to apartheid, we were happy, as Africans,when 1994 happened.

But we also have not forgotten the last outstanding liberation struggle of the former post-colony of the Saharawi Peoples Republic (Western Sahara) from the grip of Morocco.

As recognised not only by the former Organisation of African Unity  (OAU) and still standing African Union (AU) resolution 228 of 2015 that there be a peaceful resolution to ensure the Saharawi peoples' independence and sovereignity.

Even though the the AU re-admitted Morocco (which at one point tried to join the European Union) into its formal AU membership in early 2017 but at least still recognises the independence struggle of the Saharawi people as a priority.

With this outstanding issue of the independence of the Saharawi Republic always being mentioned in every AU serving chairpersons initial welcoming speech. 

However and with all of these above cited arguments, the UNGA is intrinsic to Africa's liberatory post-colonial being. 

It cannot be wished away.

Without its recognition and electoral support as led by two of the five vetoe nuclear powers (Russia, China) after the second world war that ended in 1945, we may have taken much longer to be free from the shackles of colonialism. 

And that is a basic historical fact even after it took another 60 years to free South Africa completely.  

And even as 81 plus years later we are still fighting the struggle for the freedom of the Saharawi people. The last colonial outpost in Africa.

There are also others such as the island of Diego Garcia that have spent decades trying to be free from the global military industrial complex as led by the United States of America (USA). But thats even more complicated.

In 2026 we now have the glaring reality of how far we have have departed from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the principle of a human rights 'rules based' world order. 

Almost inevitably because 'global history' is not static.

Nor is neo-colonial global capitalism and its offshoot neo-liberal capitalism's ideological and cultural foundational pretext.  

Not only for Africa where I am writing from, but more significantly for the Global South (GS)-South East Asia, Africa and Southern America.

 All in respect to again our colonial histories, anti-colonial struggles and contemporary placement in current global populist politics. 

But the 81st UNGA must remember not to forget a key liberatory point. 

Where it not for the UNGA our anti-colonial liberation struggles would not have had a necessary global outlet of recognition.

It may have been caused to exist by the end of a 'world' war 2 but eventually it sowed the mustard seed because it recognised the necessity of human freedom beyond race, colour or creed. 

Especially from an African perspective and what it meant and still should mean for the people of the GS. 

The UNGA even at 81 is still globally emblematic of our struggles for human equality, achieving them and now in the contemporary maintaining their values and principles for future generations.

For emphasis, human and humane equality international relations are not a business transaction where profit meets cost. 

As our Pan Africanist forbearers such as Padmore, Du Bois, Nkrumah, Nyerere, Castro, Amilcar Cabral, Mandela, Biko, Nehanda, Nzinga, Chitepo, Neto, Machel, Jomo Kenyatta and Haile Sellasie taught us, in their own multiple ways, we belong to a global humanity in equality! 

As abstract as that may sound because some of them were not there by the time the first UNGA was first held. 

Or even if they were they could not attend it. 

In the now we know that the UN in general has been weakened. Deliberately so. 

Not only because of a new race for rare earth minerals but a desire for an unrealistic neo-colonial past. 

Including a very real attempt at replacing the UN via what is now referred to as a Board of Peace

And a new international order in which military force would meet resistance to irrepressible global and neo-colonial-neoliberalism. And where force tended or intended to win. 

Were it not even as weakened for the peaceful intervention of the UN and the then electorally important capacity of the UNGA and the UN security council.

Be that as it may, there are many who purport to no longer recognise the importance of the UN or the UNGA.

On the contrary, I believe in it. 

Almost like a religion. 

Mainly because of its liberatory historicity for  a person like me from Africa and the Global South and its anti and decolonial narratives. 

As well as its irrefutable optimism for an equitable global future for all humanity.

All against the challenges of climate change, racism, anti-immigration and attempts at populist resistance on UN recognised meanings of the global of gender equality. 

So I am a UN and UNGA afficionado! Always. 

Moreso as Zimbabwe has a ceremonial role on the UN security council on behalf of Africa. 

But I am optimistic Africa will never be involved in another Libya or Iraq UN sanctioned invasion. Let alone ourselves as Zimbabwe.

I wish all world leaders who will address this year's 81 UNGA the necessary clarity of historical and global human equality liberatory mind.

Based on its liberatory past, realistic present and optimistic future.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity