The UNGA @81: The World Still Belongs to Its Peoples. I am a #UN Aficionado.

Tuesday, 22 September 2026

The UN General Assembly @81: The World Still Belongs to Its Peoples. (I am a #UN Aficionado)

By Takura Zhangazha *

I am an avid (aficionado), African, Southern African, Zimbabwean supporter of the historical, liberatory, peacekeeping and global equality developmental role of the United Nations (UN).

Moreso when it is holding its UN General Assembly (UNGA) at 81 years.

Wherein even if I may sound like a broken record, but I will re-emphasise,

'The liberation of Africa would never have been possible without the important role of the UNGA.'

From the historic speeches to it by the likes of legends such as Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Fidel Castro amd Ahmed Ben Bellah. 

All done at the height of our own African liberation struggles for independence in the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, 1990s which required progressive Pan African and global solidarity. 

Even if we were during that time at the apocalyptic height of the then global  'Cold War'. 

Or even now where and when when we still have to push back against genocides in Gaza. Or never ending wars in the DRC, Sudan, Myanmar and Ukraine! 

Anyway, so when the penultimate former African settler colony, South Africa, gained independence after sustained global international diplomacy that at its peak included UNGA Resolution 591 of 1986, calling for a fully democratic state and an end to apartheid, we were happy, as Africans,when 1994 happened.

But we also have not forgotten the last outstanding liberation struggle of the former post-colony of the Saharawi Peoples Republic (Western Sahara) from the grip of Morocco.

As recognised not only by the former Organisation of African Unity  (OAU) and still standing African Union (AU) resolution 228 of 2015 that there be a peaceful resolution to ensure the Saharawi peoples' independence and sovereignity.

Even though the the AU re-admitted Morocco (which at one point tried to join the European Union) into its formal AU membership in early 2017 but at least still recognises the independence struggle of the Saharawi people as a priority.

With this outstanding issue of the independence of the Saharawi Republic always being mentioned in every AU serving chairpersons initial welcoming speech. 

However and with all of these above cited arguments, the UNGA is intrinsic to Africa's liberatory post-colonial being. 

It cannot be wished away.

Without its recognition and electoral support as led by two of the five vetoe nuclear powers (Russia, China) after the second world war that ended in 1945, we may have taken much longer to be free from the shackles of colonialism. 

And that is a basic historical fact even after it took another 60 years to free South Africa completely.  

And even as 81 plus years later we are still fighting the struggle for the freedom of the Saharawi people. The last colonial outpost in Africa.

There are also others such as the island of Diego Garcia that have spent decades trying to be free from the global military industrial complex as led by the United States of America (USA). But thats even more complicated.

In 2026 we now have the glaring reality of how far we have have departed from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the principle of a human rights 'rules based' world order. 

Almost inevitably because 'global history' is not static.

Nor is neo-colonial global capitalism and its offshoot neo-liberal capitalism's ideological and cultural foundational pretext.  

Not only for Africa where I am writing from, but more significantly for the Global South (GS)-South East Asia, Africa and Southern America.

 All in respect to again our colonial histories, anti-colonial struggles and contemporary placement in current global populist politics. 

But the 81st UNGA must remember not to forget a key liberatory point. 

Where it not for the UNGA our anti-colonial liberation struggles would not have had a necessary global outlet of recognition.

It may have been caused to exist by the end of a 'world' war 2 but eventually it sowed the mustard seed because it recognised the necessity of human freedom beyond race, colour or creed. 

Especially from an African perspective and what it meant and still should mean for the people of the GS. 

The UNGA even at 81 is still globally emblematic of our struggles for human equality, achieving them and now in the contemporary maintaining their values and principles for future generations.

For emphasis, human and humane equality international relations are not a business transaction where profit meets cost. 

As our Pan Africanist forbearers such as Padmore, Du Bois, Nkrumah, Nyerere, Castro, Amilcar Cabral, Mandela, Biko, Nehanda, Nzinga, Chitepo, Neto, Machel, Jomo Kenyatta and Haile Sellasie taught us, in their own multiple ways, we belong to a global humanity in equality! 

As abstract as that may sound because some of them were not there by the time the first UNGA was first held. 

Or even if they were they could not attend it. 

In the now we know that the UN in general has been weakened. Deliberately so. 

Not only because of a new race for rare earth minerals but a desire for an unrealistic neo-colonial past. 

Including a very real attempt at replacing the UN via what is now referred to as a Board of Peace

And a new international order in which military force would meet resistance to irrepressible global and neo-colonial-neoliberalism. And where force tended or intended to win. 

Were it not even as weakened for the peaceful intervention of the UN and the then electorally important capacity of the UNGA and the UN security council.

Be that as it may, there are many who purport to no longer recognise the importance of the UN or the UNGA.

On the contrary, I believe in it. 

Almost like a religion. 

Mainly because of its liberatory historicity for  a person like me from Africa and the Global South and its anti and decolonial narratives. 

As well as its irrefutable optimism for an equitable global future for all humanity.

All against the challenges of climate change, racism, anti-immigration and attempts at populist resistance on UN recognised meanings of the global of gender equality. 

So I am a UN and UNGA afficionado! Always. 

Moreso as Zimbabwe has a ceremonial role on the UN security council on behalf of Africa. 

But I am optimistic Africa will never be involved in another Libya or Iraq UN sanctioned invasion. Let alone ourselves as Zimbabwe.

I wish all world leaders who will address this year's 81 UNGA the necessary clarity of historical and global human equality liberatory mind.

Based on its liberatory past, realistic present and optimistic future.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

Wicknell Chivhayo and Trying to Own Zimbabwe's Conscious Culture is Ephemeral and Futile.

By Takura Zhangazha*

We can argue about this ad-infinitum. 

But Zimbabwean cultural productions, be they in music, art, dance, books, movies, theatre and drama are not singularly purchasable. 

They have an agency beyond a Toyota Fortuna and a $US20 000 dollar fuel or other payment. 

And that legacy is beyond a singular assumedly financially collasal individual. 

Or that at least that they should not be that way. 

If the artistic creators of our historical national cultural being remain true to their own individual and original talent and culture. 

Based on our own national historical experiences of again our own national liberatory past, present and future(s). 

Even as mixed in with social media platforms, artificial intelligence (AI) and organic Zimbabwean holistic cultural artistry.

And also even if for the fact of seeking to just 'entertain' the nation by the same said historical and in some cases celebrity cultural 'entertainers' Zimbabweans in a specific politicised consciousness direction. 

As was the case with the recent national public holiday of Munhumutapa day on 15 September 2026.

In these consoderations one is reminded, with or without 'double meanings' as derived from 'satire' as with for example the amazing Kenyan playwrights and novelists Ngugi waThiongo and Ngugi waMirri's in their play 'I Will Marry When I Want' or Wole Soyinka's 'The Lion and the Jewel' that cultural productions are not always what  they seem.

Or Dambudzo Marechera's novella,'The House of Hunger'. 

Even before we go to his less celebrated and at one point banned 'Black Sunlight' book in the early years of his return to Zimbabwe after our national independence in 1980. 

We can even crossover (not in religious terms) to our most conscious music productions such as remembrance songs about Zimbabwe's national liberation struggle like 'Mugarandega' by the legendary Thomas Mapfumo. 

Or that one by cde Chinx Chingaira with that amazing refrain 'Vanhu vose vemuno muAfrica' before the now generally xenophobic but independent South Africa got free. With our Southern African (Frontline States, SADCC and SADC) solidarity help! 

I however know that most artists, musicians, actors both film and theatre, authors, script writers and graphic designers (in the generic sense) are caught up in a materialistic time warp. Their work at the moment does not pay enough for their upkeep. Inclusive of mainstream media journalists.

There are no more long playing records, cassettes, compact discs (CDs), digital video discs (DVDs) that give the artist /creative direct or indirect access to their quantitative popularity income. 

This was the opposite case with Leonard Dembo, Leonard Zhakata, Oliver Mtukudzi, Thomas Mapfumo,System Tazvida, Chiwoniso Maraire, John Chibadura, James Chimombe and many others that others may preferably recall. 

Be they with us or if they have passed on.

 Including where we now have arguments about cover-songs and royalties

The key point however is that most of the musicians, artistic creators and others that I have cited above were essentially organic. 

They witnessed the general people's struggles against poverty. 

They sang, wrote, acted for film/ theatre, drew, sculpted, pictured and added comedy to their creative routine. 

Remember Mukadota? And how no one is talking about the Madzikatire royalties?

So when (Sir) Wicknell Chivhayo comes in with his money. 

Which no one really can give an explanation of where it came from to be as an generously given in the form of cars and physical cash. 

We must ask a number of basic artistic/creative industry questions.

The first being that is it in order to control the counter-creative artistic narrative on behalf of the ruling Zanu PF party? 

Or still, why is he funding some of our most critical artists, including my personal icon Dr. Thomas Mapfumo?

 Some whom we assumed stood with the poor people of Zimbabwe? 

The second question that requires an answer with our own complicity being the susceptabilty of artists to the fact that we dont recognise them enough to appreciate them both culturally and materially. 

Back in the day it was just about one going to buy the CD, DVD or cassette recording, minus the emergent piracy and without social media platforms. 

All the while getting the creative cde a return on his/her effort. Monetarily.

We know creative cdes that had it good in the mid-to-late 1990s that are cautious about copyright issues because of the properties and royalties they acquired.

What (Sir) Wicknell Chivayo and probably others are attempting to do is to capture the popular narrative cultural context by default.

They may not deliberately intend to do so.

But they sort of deal with the material vulnerability of the artist. Or the creative. A vulnerability that can be explained in multiple ways. 

Except for the fact that I would have to watch my words for fear of arrest. 

What I can safely argue as a Zimbabwean is that our art, culture, artists and national being are not or should not be this easily purchasable. 

But I cannot sing or write a play let alone be handsome enough for theatre or film.  Or paint. Let alone sing! 

Even if an artist accepts money, vehicles, houses and everything else in-between they must, and this is not a patronising lecture.

But if the artist/creative, if they can, where they can they must remain true to the values and principles that gave them their iconic or emerging cultural status. 

Hazvitengekwi ma cde!

"Ikanzi culture ine vene vayo"

 Haitengekwi.

Yagara iripo. Hapana paichachinjwa nemari. 

Zimbabwe's cultural heritage belongs to all of us. 

It cannot be changed by money, cars, cattle or political affiliation. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

Remembering the Argument for Progressive National Gender Equality Consciousness.

By Takura Zhangazha*

There was an airport conversation in late 2008 that I experienced. 

At the height of Zimbabwe's globally infamous hyper-inflation  crisis. 

And this was after the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) had decided to intervene in Zimbabwe's political impasse after the then opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had won a slight majority in Parliament, defeated the late Robert Mugabe and Zanu Pf to force an electoral run-off for the presidency in 2018. 

I was running around as part of the mediation team as endorsed by Zimbabwean civil society organisations at that time and also the then Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)

We were trying to bridge things together under the auspices of Cdes Morgan Tsvangirai-his key advisors Jameson Timba, Nelson Chamisa, Thokozani Khuphe and on the opposite end Tendai Biti, Welshman Ncube,  Arthur Mutambara, Lovemore Matombo, Lovemore Madhuku, Munyaradzi Gwisai, Priscilla Misihairambwi, among many others who were in the direct public domain or discourse.

Including some of those who are currently long serving  MPs or councillors. We cannot name them for privacy reasons.

And some who strangely feel still disrespected by the still amazing Zuma appointed mediator Mac Maharaj!

Anyway, one early summer afternoon (October in Southern Africa) in 2008 I was at the then re-named Oliver Reginald Tambo International Airport (ORT) which we used to jokingly and happily post-colonially refer to it as the 'ORO' Tambo international airport at the historic Quill Club, (Ambassador Hotel, Harare, with African pride) in the the also re-named Ekhuruleni municipality. 

At that time Zimbabweans had an instictive penchant to shop for basic goods across the Limpopo river. By road, rail or air. 

If there was a sea/ ocean in-between we probably would have tried it at that time.

Mainly because of our material circumstances as determined by our local currency's unpredictability and hyper-infationary exchange rate to the US dollar.

At that time and in the present.

Back to the OR Tambo international airport incident in 2008.

In my Pan African enthusiasim I had  worn a T-shirt with Mbuya Nehanda's insignia image. 

I had bought it at the once vibrant OK bazaar mall in corner First Street and Nelson Mandela avenue in  Harare. 

It was and still remains on the road to our old Parliament building. Though the small shop closed.

On the t-shirt that I wore that day at ORO Tambo international airport was the age old inspirational Kwame Nkrumah slogan, 

"Educate an African Woman, You Liberate a Nation". 

I had determinedly bought that t-shirt from the Jamaican brother based in 'Zembabwey' who ran the shop and who was married to a Zimbabwean 'sistren' who probably kept him consistent in his Pan African consciousness.

My mistake that year in late 2008 was to board a return South African Airways flight to Zimbabwe wearing that t-shirt that had Mbuya Nehanda's image and the Nkrumah message incripted on it as cited above. 

At the height of negotiations of the eventual inclusive government by SADC.

The t-shirt irked a lot of cdes at the airport who argued that it was taking the historicity of feminism too far. 

Or alternatively that the t-shirt was all about sloganeering without understanding the emergent global feminist movement that was unfolding.

A middle aged white and female cde asked me why I was wearing that t-shirt with a black woman (Nehanda) and the same said Nkrumah slogan at the airport check in.

I was startled and asked her if there was a problem? 

She replied that all women are the same! Black blue, white, brown or any other colour that I deemed fit!

I simply replied that we would have to go to Ghana for further explanations on the concept and then return to Zimbabwe to settle the intellectual matter. 

She laughed and trolleyed away. 

I also pushed my rice, cooking oil, cereal laden trolley to the check in counter like the Zimbabwean cdes who were weighing their luggage options for the flight and trying to take advantage of a bachelor. 

With hindsight and humour however,  I have to laugh about my Mbuya Nehanda t-shirt and its Kwame Nkrumah slogan,

"YOU EDUCATE AN AFRICAN WOMAN, YOU LIBERATE A NATION!"

I had never thought it would be a problem when I bought and wore it. Let alone at an international airport! 

But more seriously we have to revisit what is at the heart of our inter and intra-generational gender equality national poltical consciousness.

Especially where it concerns gender equality, feminism and cultural practices.

Moreso when young Zimbabweans are killing themselves and/or their partners about marriages, loyalties, even beer and debts. We have ask the question, where does the heart of our national consciousness reside? 

This may sound ancient in our neoliberal political, economic, materialistic and re-emergent patriarchal consciousness environment but it remains relevant to contemporary discourses. 

Discourses that encapsulate state/government policy arguments and counter arguments on gender equality, diversity and inclusion. Be they conservative, liberal or leftist (as with myself). 

And those, that as discussed with a close young cde points to the dilemma of gender based and biased national consciousness. 

Or, in the immediate, seeks to react to the same.

In this we need to return to a liberatory understanding of what gender equality entails.

While we cannot have a complete re-examination of what occurred during Zimbabwes struggle for independence  and its gender dynamics in the short term. 

We can at least think about the Nkrumah ideal of where gender equality national consciousness lies. 

It resides in national gender equality education that combines tradition with modernity. 

Wherein there is no argument about the immediate human equality of women and men. 

While societal gender roles may differ or be steeped in traditions as given, we still need to consistently examine and understand what global trends influence changes in our gender relations equality consciousness. 

From religion through to social media (and its owners' mindsets) and the day to day gendered economic challenges that we live with. 

In this the hard ask is always that of whether at policy making governmental level this issue really matters? 

Where Nkrumah argued that if you" Educate an African Woman you Liberate a Nation" together with Machel, Cabral and Nyerere he meant it seriously. 

It was not about formal education in the strict sense of the term.

It was about understanding gender equality as a value and not a technicality. 

And also about its meaning for the upliftment of African peoples beyond platitudes and verily dealing with decolonisation of African minds even in gender relations. 

Or recognition of the important role of women in a progressive national consciousness. 

But we are at a stage in which gender equality consciousness is considered abstract or at the very least routine and only work related. 

Hemce we are faced with ridicoulsy tragic gender based violence incidences that can temporarily capture the national imagination until after the funerals that come with them. 

I would therefore add to Nkrumah's slogan of educating an African woman and liberating a nation. 

I would rephrase it, "Educate an African man, woman and you will liberate a nation". 

We are all in this together. 

And our progressive national consciousness should be understood across genders. Beyond marriages, sexual relations, reproduction and pre-determined societal roles. 

Our lives across genders are shared. And must be understood in symbiosis. Materially, emotionally and culturally. 

We need to return to a liberatory, balanced, progressive understanding of the same. 

Where we are calmer and empathetic with relative ease. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

This article is dedicated to Cde Freedom Nyamubaya. 

These are The Things We Also See: Religion, Money and Political Hegemony in #Zimbabwe

By Takura Zhangazha*

I do not argue about faith or religion with cdes in Zimbabwe. 

At least not most of the time. 

Mainly because it would be an exercise in futility. 

People choose what to believe in. Who to believe in. And where, via location, to believe it. 

It's almost an intellectual or even spiritual given. 

However, like the Chihwa that I am, I perk my ears up when religion dabbles in our national politics. And our national political economy. 

Wherein our national political leaders overdo both their personal political 'power ambitions' in combination with their materialist aspirations.

And this is a very complicated point to make but I will not expand on it for now.

Not as a matter of personal judgement but as a measurement of their own individual understanding of the mechanisms of 'people centered politics'. 

A point they generally or deliberately miss despite either their multiple academic degrees or long duree political terms of office as extended by the ruling Zanu Pf's party 2030 non electoral and technically constitutionally established, almost irreversible agenda. 

Or when the previous mainstream opposition political party the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) finds a Christian Jesus and God as being fundamental to its political fortunes.

All the while winning parliamentary and local government seats. 

But at the same time causing abstract controversy about the meaning and objective purpose of why they are doing what they are doing. Both in central and local government until 2030! At least legally! 

Or when we assess the ambigous role of politics, cultural practice and money as evidenced by the emerging role of physical materialism (again 'money') in purchasing national political influence. 

Ditto for example, Wicknell Chivayo and his almost omnipresent monetary influence over Zimbabwe's sport, music and philanthrophy culture.

As he has said, at least on his own and other social media platforms, it is his money and he can do what he wants with it anyway! 

Even if we were to ask where he got it, again anyway! 

And it is something that I personally do not envy in argument. 

To each their own values, religion and money! 

If it is accepted at least by national law, it cannot be argued otherwise. 

But be that as it may we are after all allowed to observe its absurdity (The emperor has no clothes anyone?)

The flaunting of wealth in the fashion that has been occurring is not something that as a Zimbabwean you can casually wish away. 

Whereas you could argue that you 'listen, see and don't judge' you are at least allowed to question it. 

Not just only about the money that is being reported in the mainstream media as being thrown at churches, politically connected enterprises (tenderpreneurs) and the rest of us trying to make a dollar out of fifteen cents. 

All for what would appear to be very political and 'hegemonic' reasons. (Sorry to use a big word... go ahead and google it). 

To explain further, you cannot have an individual, no matter how much money they have, wherever they got it from, no matter how legitimate it may or not be, being found in every, quite literally every, aspect of a national cultural consciousness. 

Be it structured or abstract. 

There are things we see right in front of us. In part out of our naive religious-cum-political nature. 

In other parts in our lack of critical objectivity about long established struggles for democracy in Zimbabwe. 

Beyond platitudes. 

But as Maurice Nyagumbo wrote, 'Some of Us Must Remain To Be With The People'. An autobiography title that is self explanatory. 

This write up should have been longer. But as argued above there are things that we see and we cannot over disclose. In consciousness.

Not for secrecy but for fear of sharing a false national consciousness with those that have a different/dogmatic understanding of where our national ideological values should lie. As mixed with religion and an historical pro-democracy activism.

Either way as said by the cdes who revolted against the slave trade and those that led the civil rights movement such as Martin Luther King JR and Marcus Garvey, "We shall overcome" cdes.

In conclusion, at some point,  as learnt from our Tanzanian cdes! #Songambele.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

Consciousness and Cdes We Lost or Still Have. Without Epiphany.

By Takura Zhangazha*

I will start with cde Freedom Nyamubaya. A war veteran of repute. She would tell us at the now closed iconic Quill Club that we are 'small boys'. And that we did not understand the viccisitudes of the liberation struggle. What she went through and what she endured post-independence.

Then there was Cde Dzino (Dzinashe Machingura) and his commitment to 'dialectical materialism' even as he worked to invent the chemical make-up of the now famous Zambezi larger! He was to remain one of my primary political mentors for another ten years until his sad passimg. And he is yet to be declared a national hero. (Apa vanga vari vakomana ve Mgagao!)

I also met the also still undeclared national hero Edgar Tekere in different and difficult circumstances. When he pitched up at the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) offices with Ian Smith, former Rhodesia prime minister and with the then political outfit called the Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe (CAZ).

We sort of ran away from cde Edgar Tekere that day in the late 1990's when he sort of hobnobbed with Ian Smith. 

But our icon at the same time was Morgan Tsvangirai as he led the late 1990s stay aways via the historically relevant and amazing Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU).

And with perculiar political decisiveness formed the National Working Peoples Convention (NWPC) which in turn led to the formation of Zimbabwe's historically largest opposition party the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999 at the Chitungwiza Acquatic Complex, Harare, Zimbabwe. 

There are many other cdes that are alive or have passed on. 

Some of those that are still with us have lost their ideological way for materialist reasons. 

Others have gone relatively quiet either out of general ideological despair (this is not ehat they envisioned). 

Or because their life priorities became more individualistic. 

There are however cdes that are still holding people-centered ideological fort. I cannot mention them for the sake of their privacy.  

Some are in academics (teaching), quietly pulling intellectual strings for future generations. 

Others are in labour unions, struggling with the important issues of fair wages and conditions. 

Some remain in civil activist groups relating to human rights, social services, equitable land redistribution, medicine, greener ecological mining and agricultural practices. 

As well as dealing with emerging racisms and issues of global immigration. 

The key point however is that there is need for a re-galvanisation of cdes in their progressive consciousness. 

In Zimbabwe and within regional, African continental and global progressive consciousness across continents.

A lot of cdes know this. They may however miss the point as written by Nelson Mandela that there is no single epiphany, just a thousand slights that firm up a renewed progressive people- centered struggle conviction. This is our new urgent revolutionary task. 

Whereas we can be caught up in the trap of mimicry of the global north's false mainstream intellectualism via social media, we have to contend with our own organic intellectualism challenges. 

In the words of the revolutionary Aime Cessaire and I am paraphrasing here, we must 'return to the source' of our intrinsic Pan African consciousness in order to navigate what is a very difficult future for global humanity. We have seen and lived the thousand slights. We now need to tackle them without anticipating an epiphany! 

It also remains apparent that we are faced with a younger and less ideologically focused generation of Zimbabweans/Africans. 

There is the urgent evident need to bridge the ideological gap beyond age and the craze of assuming education does not have a trickle down effect of knowledge ownership and control via the global north and its techno-feudalists.  

Watch many films or tick tock videos and you will see a global narrative that continues to look down on us from the global south. Or promote a myth that the global north is a heaven worth dying for in the Sahel or the Medittaranean sea. 

We do not need a mimicry of  Eurpeoan Renaissance. I know that respected African elder statesman Thabo Mbeki has his ideological pretext of an African Renaissance. 

That did not work out as planned even after the reform of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) which he helped spearhead. 

To be honest, cdes Pan African and historical consciousness is at a crossroads. 

We have over-mimicked other histories, nations or states. We have over-prostrated ourselves to global capitalism to a point where our own lives are deemed collateral in wars or economic subterfuge. 

We have to return to the source of our own consciousness. Not in order to differentiate ourselves from anyone. 

But in order to understand the historicity as well as the future of where we are in the present. 

So we salute cdes who led us to the contemporary progressive consciousness we have today. 

We also now know that even that consciousness is no longer enough if it is not sustained via newer multi-media narratives that combine the past, present and the future. In our minds and in our progressive consciousness. 

That is where the struggle continues. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

New National Political Contradictions in Contemporary Zimbabwe (Preparing for the Rupture)

By Takura Zhangazha *

When we were younger and in tertiary education of one form or the other we used to play around with the term, 'The negation of the negation'. 

It was a very Marxist philosophical term that meant that things tend to return to where they were in structural format. Albeit in a somewhat advanced form. 

We used this term in tutorial and public debates in order to appear intellectually sophisticated and impress the students union! 

We however, after a few more years of handwringing examinations learnt that Marxism was more than about the same said 'negation of the negation'.

It was a critical tool of analysis of not only national but global political-economic and historical human interactions and existence. 

From issues to do with class struggle and the ideologies of communism versus capitalism through to the structural intent of the slave trade and colonialism and its contemporary offshoot, global imperialism/ neoliberalism.

We also learnt that human political, economic and social history does not function in stasis. It is never permanent and it does not come to an 'end'. 

Instead it creates even in assumptions of permanence or finality, its own internal contradictions. 

As Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels would come to argue in their most popular work, 'The Manifesto of the Communist Party' commonly referred to as the 'Communist Manifesto' of 1848. 

In the simplest of terms particularly under the ideology/way of life of capitalism, human history is generally always creating its own contradictions that are centered around not only class struggles but an overall struggle against societal inequality and oppression. Even when the rich in our societies appear invincible or all powerful. 

This is the stage at which Zimbabwean society finds itself in today.  

When the ruling Zanu Pf party passed constitutional ammendment number 3 (CAA3) into law it made one awkward political calculation. 

It assumed or still assumes that our country's political economy and in particular our politics are in stasis. 

Or that the legality of CAA3 puts paid to broader demands for democratic electoral politics and economic accountability beyond the publicly visible elitist accumulation. 

It forgets the key Marxist lesson of how the system or political economy they are putting their necks out for creates its own contradictions that will lead to its own downfall. 

For at least three reasons.

With the first being that an assumption of the permanence of political power via avoiding general elections is a misreading of national consciousness.

 Even if it was an attempt at changing the same said national consciousness. There is quite literally no 'stasis' in Zimbabwe's politics. 

Where, as a government you esconce yourself in power by avoiding periodic elections you are sowing the seeds of not only eventual discontent but potentially greater societal instability. 

An instability which, in the short and long term, will eventually lead to a national 'carthartic' moment. 

As was the case in November 2017. One whose evident internal contradictions we are again witnessing today. 

In the second instance, the contradictions of elite economic wealth accumulation become clearer when the masses come to a slow realisation that they cannot all be rich.

 They watch in awe and envy at the politically connected affluent pastors, celebrity business men/women, quiet money movers and miners who flaunt their material wealth in a sea of poverty. 

All to come to a realisation that as Ngugi wa Thiongo would have it, it is the 'Devil on the Cross' that they have been envying or 'worshipping'!

So our ruling elite, with their strong links to capitalism and its newest forms of neoliberalism/ techno-feudalism are sitting on an economic time bomb that will likely explode before 2030. 

Young Zimbabweans may be less intellectual about their national politics and the national political economy but as was the case in the Arab Spring in the Middle East at the turn of the century, a 'rupture' is coming. In Zimbabwe. 

With the key issue being a society in which economic equitability is no longer an even imaginable possibility with the current form of greedy ruling establishment politics. 

One in which the rich get richer and flaunt it via lifestyles and patronage with the blessing of the ruling Zanu Pf party. 

In this, it is clear that the contradictions of the current ruling party's economic policies are creating the grounds for economic equity struggles that they are least likely aware of. From land, jobs, mines and access to water, education, health, fair labour practices and disposable incomes.

They are creating a comprador bourgeoisie (false middle class) off the back of the fast track land reform programme (land barons) and informal (gold) mining without knowing that even land and minerals are finite. 

Or at least not enough for everyone. And that even internally these contradictions will eventually not only show but lead, as they did before, to resistance political economics. 

The third and final cause of contradictions relates to opposition politics in Zimbabwe. 

Our mainstream opposition political parties are in a serious dilemma. 

They are bereft of cogent ideology, run like mini-cults and desperately out of touch with any counter-hegemonic national consciousness. 

They created this situation largely by themselves but also by falling into Zanu Pfs mimicry trap during Mugabe's era and after. 

By so doing, they created the contradiction of a cyclical repetition of a defeatist narrative. One that does not seek political permanence or in flux have any revolutionary outlook in one form or the other. 

Even if they were to wish themselves permanence in political opposition until 2030, they are creating a contradiction within their supporters who will not see their leaders' added value to what were previously popular organic democratic struggle causes.

Instead their supporters will be unable to, in a George Orwell sense, distinguish the pigs from the horses! 

So Zimbabwe is in some sort of political conundrum where things appear already permanent. Or as cdes now tend to say, 'Zvaendwa!'

This is far from the truth. Hapana zvakaendwa! There is nothing permanent or insurmountable about where we are as a country. 

Even as we know we are not voting in 2028 for a government of our choice. Or that the neoliberal political economy under Mnangagwa is functioning with a trickle down patronage system and repression of political dissent. 

We also know that there is no such thing as political 'stasis'. 

And that our current politics are already creating new internal contradictions that defy assumptions of false permanence. 

If I was a pastor, I would argue that cdes must prepare for a 'rupture' before 2030. 

Hopefully it is a peaceful one. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his persoonal capacity

Our More Weakened Zimbabwe Parliament as Broader Political Theatre Until 2030

By Takura Zhangazha*

I will start with what has been politically obvious over the last three months in Zimbabwe. 

Our national Parliament and its current serving members in both the House of Assembly and the Senate, directly or proportionally elected, have made up their minds about their political careers. At least until 2030. 

Mainly because of their staying in office after supporting or oppossing the then Constitutional Amendment Bill Number 3 which is now the law (CAA3). 

Now that the whole hullabaloo of who voted in favour, against or abstained for CAA3 is over, we can now easily re-assess Parliaments assumed democratic oversight role with the Executive going forward. 

And because the Executive got what it wanted with CAA3 mainly as motivated by its two thirds majority in the National Assembly and its majority in Senate. Together with the complicity of some opposition members of both houses. 

There is not much else that Parliament or your MP can really do to resist any further major legislative changes intended by the executive.

They all owe the Executive for not only extensions to their terms of office but also the largesse/salaries/perks that comes with the same. 

The ruling Zanu Pf party MPs will make general rumblings about one or two issues over the next four years but will always be brought to heal. 

The still remaining opposition MPs will waffle their way via abstract arguments about defending democratic space, seeking national consensus while at the same time being esconced in similar perks, benefits of their now long duree stay in office. Just like their counterparts. 

So unless your MP is a person who does other things at community level (boreholes, maize distribution, health or other matters) he/she is no longer legislatively useful to the country. 

Except when needed or manipulated by the Executive. 

Moreso when they are now the ones, even within their current term of office, who will elect the next executive President. Including possibly before the current term of office of the incumbent E.D Mnangagwa expires. 

So if any MP is going to be melodramatic in either the House of Assembly or Senate, it will be exactly that, just drama! 

Even if we wanted to look at their role as incrementally useful for what remains of what we would still consider 'our' democracy. 

It is self evident that going forward this will be characterised by performative politics that will major in minors and avoid bigger national questions. Unless they are approved by the Executive and the ruling party leadership. 

It is a precarious and elitist type of politics. One that relies on the gatekeeping both by government and Parliament of this new status quo for both individualised and hegemonic/power benefits. 

At least again until 2030. 

I wish this was confined to Parlaiment and central government alone. 

Unfortunately it is not. It is also the same when and where it comes to our local government political infrastructure. Because their terms too have been extended for the same period. 

And our constitutional commissions that are selected with the role of Parliament and approval of the President will be also be wary of these political developments. 

To the extent of proceeding with caution for their tenures and understanding the dynamics of dealing with the same president, MP for the next four years. 

The media too if not already should increasingly be aware of the new elitist political dynamics of the country. And knowing its current sustainability crisis will pander to where the money will come from .

As for civil society, trade unions and churches, there are clear signs of ongoing co-optation by the state. And a desire by the same said state to control an elitist national political narrative. Embedded in Zanu Pf lingo and more worryingly with threats against human rights and attendant freedoms. As was the csse on 31 July 2026. 

But private capital is perhaps the happiest in all of this. They have  a longer shot at the 'ease of doing business' and trickle down economics. All the while profiteering as much as they can in the name of 'inhibiting' government policies that frustrate the 'free market'. 

When all is said and done, after CAA3 we now have a society that may technically, legally be considered somewhat a Parliamentary democracy. 

 But in reality and politically it is now run by elitist politics that has created new nodes of long-duree patronage networks. All of which involve the executive as the central player, Parliament as the compliant enabler ( with a few rumblings here and there) and private business as the distributer of elitist largesse via politicised networks. 

But such systems eventually fall because of their own internal and external contradictions. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity