Chikane's biased but brave take on Mbeki and
Zimbabwe’s Global Political Agreement.
By Takura Zhangazha *
The former director general in the South African office of
the Presidency, Reverend Frank Chikane has recently published an interesting if
not controversial book. The title of the book, Eight Days in September. The Removal of Thabo Mbeki
is indicative of its content and story line. In reading the book, it
seems that there are two main perspectives that Reverend Chikane makes apparent
in his writing.
The first perspective being that the ouster of Mr. Mbeki from
the office of the presidency of South Africa was, on the basis of procedure,
unconstitutional. In fact, Chikane makes reference to it being at one point or
the other having been referred to in some circles as a potential ‘coupe de tat.’ He however avers that it was Mbeki’s
revolutionary leadership that seems to have saved the day as the latter did not
utilize the constitutional options open to him by ‘magnanimously’ following
instructions from the African National Congress (ANC) post Polokwane
leadership.
This, according to the author, was because Mbeki was aware of
the necessity of unity within his party and not being seen to be acting in his
own personal interests. This is an issue that is also raised within the context
of the author warning that it was evidence of the ANC taking over the role of
the South African Parliament and therefore blurring the distinction between a
sitting government and a ruling party’s leadership.
The second point that is put across in the book is that
Mbeki’s presidency seems to have made the wrong sort of impression
internationally, particularly with global powers. While Chikane does not claim
any direct hand in the role of these same said global powers in the ouster of
Mbeki, he mentions more than once that he was worried over the safety of the
then president. The argument given is
that the former president’s foreign policy was rubbing a number of former
colonial powers and international pharmaceutical companies the wrong way. In this argumentation, Mbeki is compared to Ghana’s
founder Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah ( with a chapter dedicated to this
comparison).
For Zimbabweans however, this book will be of particular
interest in that the author makes reference to the fact that the week that the Zimbabwe’sGlobal Political Agreement (GPA) was
signed, was the same week in which a ANC National Executive Council meeting to
recall Mbeki was scheduled to take
place. In mentioning this Chikane argues that the South African media sought
more to focus on statements attributed to the post Polokwane ANC leadership concerning the matter of
‘recalling’ Mbeki from the office of president of South Africa than the foreign
policy triumph that was the Zimbabwean GPA.
Reference is also made in the book to statements attributed
to former United States Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Jendayi Frazer. In the referred to statements, Frazer is
quoted as denouncing the GPA, a
development that the author hints to as being part of the unfortunate lexicon
of the vilification of Mbeki’s foreign policy.
The author makes it clear that he views the GPA as a major African diplomatic
success (under the mediation of Mbeki) and
further emphasizes that there were other vested global interests that sought to
impose a leadership on the people of Zimbabwe.
For any Zimbabwean, this is a controversial point on its own
given the fact that there are divergent views
on Mbeki’s role in the formulation of the GPA, particularly from the
leaders of the political parties that constitute the inclusive government. What
is apparent however is that it is time for Zimbabweans to assess the role and
legacy of the GPA, Mbeki and SADC as the country anticipates elections by March
2013. This is why Chikane’s take on Mbeki’s
ouster is probably an important book for those that seek to understand the
progression and politics of the inclusive government established under Mbeki’s
mediation.
This is because while Chikane writes mainly for a South
African audience, his assessment of the Zimbabwean crisis and the remedies
sought via Mbeki’s role remain important. Indeed the Reverend may be viewed as
arguing more in defence of Mbeki but that does not mean his views are dismissible.
This is particularly so given the fact that author served as cabinet secretary
to Mbeki for both of the latter’s terms as South African president.
What is however of greater significance to Zimbabweans is the
necessity of beginning to assess the impact of the GPA in the broadest and particular
political performance terms. This should not necessarily be done within the
ambit of Chikane’s opinion of the same, but in aide of a much more honest
political assessment of what have been the advantages and disadvantages of the
GPA.
This is even more important because
the inclusive government has come full circle and at best, barring an amendment
to the Constitution of Zimbabwe, will come to a conclusion in the first quarter
of 2013. While I may not be in a position to make the rather extravagant
comparison of Mbeki with Nkrumah, we are all well within our right to measure
whether the former’s legacy should be accorded the recognition that Chikane
seems so keen on.
*Takura Zhangazha
writes here in his personal capacity.
takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com
i have'nt finished reading the book Cde. Its selling like a scarce commodity in stores. What is crystal clear is the fact that the Author is trying to patch and remind us of Mbeki, whose political life was long buried during the "8 days in Septemeber". The Author is reminded of the fact that the mulfunctioning of the current Inclusive Government which has turned a blind eye on Amendment No 19 of the Constitution is clear reflection of Mbeki's failure on foreign policy given all other options that were available after the March 2008 elections. In fact, i think Mbeki fuelled his ouster given his position to Zim crisis after the March 2008 elections which was in total contrast to millions of people including the leadership of ANC and the internation community
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