Remembering Zanu Pf's G40 Faction

 By Takura Zhangazha*

The year 2017 will always stand out in Zimbabwean history. At least the post-independence political side of it.  Not that previous years since 1980 were not dramatic, populist or in some cases tragic.  But the events that unpredictably led to the ouster of Robert Mugabe will probably leave those who witnessed or celebrated them with many more questions than answers about the passage of political time. 

And I have a few of my own.  What we now know with the benefit of hindsight is that Mugabe was hoist by his own petard.  Having led the ruling Zanu Pf party in government since 1980 and played many of his political rivals against each other, he allowed his own succession politics to reach a tragic crescendo in 2017. Risking not only himself, his family but the stability of the country in the process. I use the turn of phrase ‘allowed’ because before he became frail he quite literally held a tight grip over the internal and external affairs Zanu Pf.

But his own succession politics was not a decidedly one sided affair.  Where he sought to play one faction against the other, the same factions also played against each other in their own opportunism and attempt at being favoured. 

The one faction that eventually triumphed over all the others during his tenure was the one that was referred to in the mainstream print media as the ‘Generation40’ or by its more popular acronym ‘G40’ one. 

How it came to be closer to Mugabe in his last years of power is something that historians and political scientists will write about with greater accuracy. 

That it assumed a prominent role in Mugabe’s latter day politics became relatively self evident when the former first lady Grace Mugabe was rumoured to be backing it. And when she entered the succession political fray. 

As its media designated ‘G40’ title suggested, this was a faction of Zanu Pf that positioned age or youthfulness as its sine qua non.  Not just by way of its assumed leaders but its projected politics.  It was probably confident about the ‘political’ demographic of Zimbabwe. In so far as it related to the ‘youth’ voter component of our national politics.  In this they had probably done some mathematical calculations about the voting population for the next scheduled elections in 2018 and noticed the exponential rise of young versus older voters.  Hence they were likely comfortable with referring to their faction as a ‘generation 40’ one. 

In doing so they were also looking at their counterparts in Zanu Pf and knowing the popular national sentiment decided to position themselves as the youthful successors to an ageing Mugabe.  To do this, they needed to get those they considered geriatrics out of the way. Especially war veterans who were laying historical claim to be in line to succeed Mugabe. 

What was a little astounding was how G40 then placed Grace Mugabe at the center of their succession strategy.  She became instrumental in enabling Joice Mujuru to become the first female deputy president of the country.  And subsequently in also making her the first female deputy president to be removed from office in 2014. Paving the way for her eventual arch nemesis, Mnangagwa to replace her. 

While we may not know Robert Mugabe’s direct role in all of this, the mathematics of a possible future election victory for the ruling party were however probably clear in the minds of G40 functionaries.  Remember the issue of demographics?  Mugabe’s government introduced a raft of youth focused initiatives under the then indigenization policy which included loans, expanded tertiary education and populist cultural productions designed to endear it to young Zimbabweans.  The only problem was that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) under Morgan Tsvangirai also commanded support from young people in Zimbabwe.  But G40 probably thought they would eventually work it out with the opposition. One way or the other as long as they were firmly in the driving seat of Zanu Pf. 

But as we now know with hindsight the plan fell apart with what would have been their final masterstroke of enabling the dismissal of Mnangagwa and purging war veterans from the mainstream leadership of Zanu Pf. 

In their pursuit of what has been referred to as Africa’s ‘youth dividend’ they perhaps forgot that age, while politically important, is not as decisive in shaping politics in and of itself.  And they also probably forgot history’s lessons of former first ladies who tried to play pivotal roles in the succession politics of their long ruling husbands.  From Russia through to China.  And how even if initially successful, it all turned to tragic end.  Not just for themselves but also those that worked with them.

My memories of Zanu Pf’s G40 faction and its multiplicity of players remain focused on what really motivated them to assume that Zimbabwean politics can be that simple.  Even as they rode on Mugabe and his wife’s coattails?  Or as they honed in on the mathematics of what they considered a ‘youthful’ electoral victory in the expected 2018 general/harmonized election. 

Or how after their primary handler Mugabe had been ousted via a popular coup, they still sought to push the demographic dividend through a post Tsvangirai MDC for the 2018 harmonised election.

Which begs the question about the extent of their ambition.  Or in some cases, their naivety.  Again that’s one for the historians and political scientists to answer or theorize over. 

What is however clear is that projecting political futures on the basis of demographics is sorely inadequate.  Being young in mind or heart does not cut it.  It’s the values, principles in tandem with physical placement that matter more. And that make up for ‘generational praxis’. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)