By Takura Zhangazha*
In the middle of this year I got what I now refer to as a present of privilege. It was a yet to be fully published book by David Moore titled, “ Mugabe’s Legacy: Coups, Conspiracies and the Conceits of Power in Zimbabwe.”
I was lucky enough to get the book not only as
a personal gift from the author but also before it had been released into
bookstores (though the print-run has already been done). I had hoped that the book would be available
in bookstores before the end of 2021 but that is looking least likely at the
moment.
With the permission of the author I still thought it
necessary to do a non-academic review of it. Moreso within the context of
shifting political allegiances of those who were Mugabe’s Generation 40 (G40) and the mainstream opposition MDC Alliance frontrunners after the end of his long-duree
rule. And also with the not surprisingly
awry but politically insignificant silence of his widow, Dr. Grace Mugabe.
There are many books that have been written about Mugabe. There are many more that are being worked on and will soon also be published.
Most of them will probably look at Mugabe from a Eurocentric or global
north lense, one that is likely to fit specific expectations of narratives
around his leadership of Zimbabwe. These
narratives are largely about seeking to not only demonise Mugabe but also seek
some sort of historical revisionism on the end effect of African national
liberation struggles and Pan Africanism.
Moore in his book does not take this approach. Instead he looks at Mugabe not as just an
individual leader and as he suggests in the title, the realest meaning of political power
in Zimbabwe’s historical context.
Including how it is arrived at, accepted, exercised and in Mugabe’s
case, lost within the framework(s) of liberation struggle movements and their
attendant historical political culture.
It is a very Gramscian take on Mugabe’s
legacy, leadership and the political culture that informed Zanu Pf;s rise to power
and the contestations around its future.
With key lessons for those that would seek to challenge the ruling establishment.
What Moore does well in analysing Mugabe’s legacy is to link
the passage of time, struggle and political cultural practice (exercise of power)
of what in academic circles we would refer to as ‘hegemony’. And he does so with a very personal touch by
narrating his interactions with not only the leaders of the Zimbabwean nationalist
movement but also those of the then emerging liberal opposition movement(s). All in which he almost arrives at the
conclusion that Mugabe was not just an individual but was more representative of
a culmination of deliberate historical events that shaped his approach to
leadership.
Not that Moore reduces Mugabe’s agency in the making of contemporary Zimbabwe. Instead Moore seeks to explore
the connotations of Mugabe’s intellectualism, high sense of personal
accomplishment (education) and even Messianic tendencies as being fueled by
not only the context of the liberation movements but also by his (Mugabe) own
egoistic inclinations.
And Moore makes this relatively clear in assessing Mugabe’s ideological
roots by outlining that the latter was never committed to Marxism or any other
left leaning version of it. Instead, and
that’s the impression I get from Moore’s writing, Mugabe largely instrumentalised
populist tendencies for his own political interests. And that these interests resided largely in
the retention of power. But all working
within the political culture enabled by the liberation and nationalist
movement.
Moore however also gives an historical outline of Mugabe’s Achilles
heel, this being the military and organic ideological side of the liberation movements. In
combination. He walks the reader through
the full import of the Vashandi rebellion (his good friend Dzinashe Machingura helped him greatly with understanding this).
And his interviews with various liberation war veterans to understand
how the disjuncture between fighters of the liberation war and the nationalists
was and still remains relatively palpable.
Hence in the book Moore makes references to stalled and attempted coups
before arriving at what he calls the 2017 ‘coup incarnate’.
And this is where a reader’s curiosity is likely to
reside. The making of the coup, in
reading Moore was largely Mugabe’s own fault.
Never mind his wife and G40. And over a course of at least 50 years at which
Mugabe was either close to or at the helm of not only his party but eventually
the other 37 where he was in charge of the country.
Moore writes this book with a very anecdotal pen. It is very easy to relate to because he makes
reference to people he met, outlines events as they unfolded and as they were reported
in the mainstream media. But where he
uses wit and slight humour, he intends to make a point about the fact that
Mugabe’s legacy was never going to be his own. It had and still has far
reaching implications on Zimbabwean society.
From the economy and its oligarchs through to the political culture of
not only the ruling Zanu Pf party but also as it affects the mainstream
Movement for Democratic Change opposition formations.
Moore does not present Mugabe as a larger than life
character. He presents him as both the product
of historical circumstances, ambitions and an ambiguous Zimbabwean hegemony
that is yet to be fully explored. Hence
Moore’s consistent reference to the Gramscian ‘interregnum’. Mugabe’s legacy is that there was never a terrible
beauty that was born after his departure.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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