Contemporary Political and Cultural Entrapment in Zimbabwe.

By Takura Zhangazha*

There are many reasons why political opinions and cultural practices are formed. Both in relation to general society and also individuals. These range from history itself, cultural, religious practices as they shape and influence a given political economy.  With the latter being an encompassing of everything cited above. 

But this a universal societal given as established by academics and thinkers in multiple disciplines.  Yet I still find Zimbabwe to be in a uniquely different situation on this subject matter.  Particularly where we consider our last quarter of a century (25 years). 

We have established a political and cultural system designed for an assumption of continued permanence and not progress.  Both by way of individual perception and in collective societal reality. 

This is mainly because our national political economy since 1997 created at least three things.  A highly polarized political culture; a hybrid neoliberal economy that mixed radical nationalism with smash and grab capitalism; and a social system that prioritized individualism and high levels of religiosity.

The uniqueness of this lies fundamentally in the now given historical fact of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP).  And it’s far reaching impact in how Zimbabweans perceive of themselves and also how they want to be perceived by others.  These others being those in the sub-region, the African continent, the East and more significantly in the West. 

I say significantly in the West because it is the latter that has the greater global and media reach to control the narrative of what Zimbabwe is, should be and also can be.  In the past, the present and regrettably so, in the future. 

It is a narrative that our current ruling establishment has sought to counter with reference to history and radical nationalism. As well as seeking the protection of regional and continental bodies while also getting key protection from Russia and China who are permanent members of the UN Security Council.

These narratives have however had a greater impact on Zimbabwean lives than we are wont to agree upon.  From political polarization through to challenging economic circumstances wrought on by both politics and unilateral sanctions. 

And this is where our own agency as ordinary Zimbabweans comes in. There are certain matters that we now consider permanent in a polarized political and economic fashion.  Mainly because in dealing the story or narrative of what Zimbabwe was, is, can be, we have become entrapped in our own experiences which then shape some of our now almost now unmovable opinions either side of political divides.

And I will give the two most evident examples in our society.  The first is the general immovability of a ruling party supporter on the matter of either the liberation struggle or the radical nationalism that was the FTLRP.  Not just because they believe in both but more because at one point or the other they were involved in either. It shaped their individual political experience.  And because of the narratives I cite above they are persuaded that no matter what happens the ‘enemy’ is always at the door. But with the caveat that they cannot in and of themselves believe that after all they have gone through, they can be found to have been at fault for their actions and opinions. They have no choice but to hold onto what they know and believe. Whether or not it can pass some sort of rationality test.

In the second example, if you take an opposition supporter and ask their views they will reflect similar immovability of their views. This is mainly because they either suffered at the hands of the ruling party via the state of the economy from 1997 or due to political violence being meted on them or their relatives particularly in rural areas.  Their views tend to be strident on this and no matter what handshake of peace they are offered they do not trust it.  Even for example during the period of the unity government in 2009-2013.  It is of limited consequence that their narrative of Zimbabwe then resonates with that of the West because of not only their anger but also their experiences. 

In these two examples I have given it is also clear that in order to have one narrative triumph over another there is a turn to what I consider the perceived and currently popular ‘finality’ of religion or God as the arbiter of a true and expected victor.  By both narratives. Meaning therefore anyone that loses either an election or property still has a firm belief that no matter what a religious deity remains on their side and therefore they have to stick to their proverbial guns. 

In all of this we get caught up in a trap. We cannot let go of our experienced actions and reactions because it would appear that it is all we would know. Especially politically and even where new developments, locally or globally, indicate that it no longer makes sense to hold on to them.  Meaning we may have entered a specific phase where dogma is our cultural staple diet.  Again based on narratives that remain entrenched with no urgency that they be resolved.

For this brief write up I used the term ‘entrapment’ deliberately.  It would appear that we are now prisoners of our own political and economic experiences.  To the extent that we appear unchangeable or unable to reimagine what remains possible beyond the victory of either political or economic hegemons that we support. 

We may need to take time to pause and rethink more carefully what we share in common in our diversity and stop holding on to narratives that blur a better future in their stubborn consistency.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)