By Takura Zhangazha*
Many of us
in Zimbabwe are talking about the state of our national politics and economy. Albeit in short word stanzas, two minute promotional
or real time videos or what I understand to be voice notes on social media. In real time conversation you then ask
yourself, “So what motivates these sometimes literally animated conversations?”
Especially
those that exhibit, even via technological mediums such as your mobile phone
and its attendant social media access, such raw human emotion.
You follow
a thread and you recognize an immediate political emotion from multitudes of online
and offline supporters (some real, some false) and you take a quick pause to
ask yourself, is this simply the human behavioural modification role of the internet
and social media? A debate that is dissipating in the public domain because
arguably, we now have short attention spans about our common good as a society
beyond our virulent individualism.
I only
mention the latter point in order to point out the key characteristics of
Zimbabwe’s national politics. And what is evidently informing it.
And there
are two elements here. Both based on important
intellectual conversations that I have had with comrades as well as personally
thought through for a while.
The first
being the question of the meaning of politics in Zimbabwe as being “experienced”
or “experiential”.
Most of us
in the country understand politics by way of an ‘experience’. I do not mean this in a religious way. This is more by way of what we know to be our
initial political realities and lived, again, experiences. It is what we witnessed, felt or emotionally got
angry about that informs our most basic understanding of politics and in tandem
our contemporary political economy. Be
it on behalf of self, family, friends but rarely workmates.
And there
are many historical examples of this.
The cdes that fought in the first Chimurenga wars were dispossessed of
their livelihoods by the colonial settlers and took to arms against them from
various regions and ethnic groups. They
quite literally ‘experienced’ dispossession of their livelihoods. There was no modern ideology except direct
emotive resistance based on the fact of what had unjustly occurred.
By the time
the Rhodesian settler colony had established a racist hegemony over the
majority, again the “experiential moment” re-emerged. We formed, as learnt from
our regional migratory labour experiences in the then Egoli (South Africa), the
then Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland to form trade unions, country of
origin associations and also with the enablement of various missionary
societies that had the contradictory zeal to educate ourselves with zeal even
though they then considered us “natives”.
By the time
of the Second Chimurenga, with our ‘experiential moments” of pain and anguish
at racial and economic discrimination we tried to go the Ghana route of
immediate electorally negotiated power agreements from white settler minority
rule in the 1960s. A strategy that failed
and eventually led us to a painful liberation struggle that again would be
motivated by the fact of what our now war veterans, peasants and urban workers ‘experienced’
via the brutality of a white settler minority regime.
We
eventually combined the reality of our political experiences with a global ideological
outlook that learnt from the then USSR (Russia), Eastern Europe and the Chinese
revolution to give our lived realities or “experiential moments” the visionary term
of “socialism”/ “gutsaruzhinji”. And
many suffered and died for this particular vision of our society while at the
same time embracing it as fundamental to the future of a progressive and revolutionary
Zimbabwe. As it linked to progressive
global anti-colonial liberation movements and governments.
With the
acquisition of national liberation and within this historical ambit, we assumed
our ‘experiential politics’ had reached its peak. Post-independence, we misunderstood both the
global economic vagaries of the end of the Cold War and the ascendancy of
capitalism, now neoliberalism, as a global economic system. Again we sought to fight against the latter via
our own labour unions in Zimbabwe.
This was
the new ‘consciousness phase’ of our national politics. We knew and know those that fought the
liberation struggle. But we also then experienced
Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes (ESAPs) and a rampant economic
liberalism that put the market before the people.
And by 1997
we had come back full circle to “experiential politics”. Our urban and rural poverty in the decade
that followed were not abstract but lived realities that led to the formation of
the largest labour backed party in Zimbabwe’s post-independence history, the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) at the turn of the millennium. Even as
there was a counter narrative by Zanu Pf toward a return to the language and
praxis of “Chimurenga”. In the midst of economic
hardship and sanctions.
While
almost repeating history, the MDC was grounded in both the ‘experiential” and
the “ideological“ consciousness dilemma.
This is because after the 2008 global and domestic national financial
crisis we resorted back to what we “experienced” as a primary source of
political loyalty and affiliation.
This is
perhaps the most difficult point to make for this blog. Because
what we experience politically, and in a particularly negative sense such as
political violence, loss of income and livelihood, we will never easily forget
and therefore we will pick an almost eternal side for our political views. No matter how irrational it may seem to
outsiders. More so if we experience this when we are
young. It will
be a mixed bag of not only the remembered experiences but also the search for a
new beginning via a culturally (religiously/spiritually) predetermined leader or
group of leaders. With the naïve ambition
of some arrival at a comparative ideal society that mimics what we see on
television and on social media.
Is there a
way out of this sort of ‘experienced consciousness’ in Zimbabwe? In the short term the answer is “No”. Our society has lost an organic national
consciousness. Elections are more of populist events than they are about
posterity and the common societal good. Either side of our now many political
party divides. And they are determined
by a stubborn “experiential” process as outlined above.
To be conscious
of a progressive Zimbabwean political future we need to grasp a deeper reality
that whatever you experienced in the past, the present cannot be isolated from
a desired progressive future. It is always about posterity.
*Takura Zhangazha
writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangzha.blogspot.com)
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