“Zvigananda” and Frantz Fanon: Meaning and Context in Zimbabwe’s Newfound Political Elitism

By Takura Zhangazha*

I generally get over-accused of intellectualizing Zimbabwean politics.  Or even the Zimbabwean political economy.  This would include moments where I am derogatorily referred to as a socialist.  A political label I have no problem with at all.  Because there is no way in which you can be a progressive African and not have interacted with the socialism of Nkrumah, Nyerere, Machel, Ahmed Ben Bella, Patrice Lumumba, Thomas Sankara or the amazing theorists Franz Fanon, Walter Rodney and Homi Babha of Tanzania.

But contrary to our current presidents now never forgotten mantra of exhorting all Zimbabweans to ‘make money!’ I have sort of read between the historical ideological lines of where we are as a country. 

I was reminded of the necessity of this approach via a war veteran of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle.  As well as one from Mozambique’s liberation struggle.

They had this term, ‘zvigananda’. 

It’s a term that was brought into contemporary public lexicon by the current Zimbabwean vice president CGN Chiwenga when he was addressing a burial of a national hero some months back. 

He reminded the attendees and the nation about a term they used about cdes who would eventually betray the values of the liberation struggle as they were ideologically taught during the struggle for Zimbabwe’s liberation. All for economic benefits even as the struggle was being fought. 

In the political education that they, the liberation fighters, received because they would eventually become political commissars like the late provincial liberation hero and literary Zimbabwean literary genius,  Alexander Kanengoni.  They were those trained not only with the gun and guerilla tactics.  But also how to explain to the masses the ideological purposes of the liberation struggle.  Including building the ‘morale’ –‘morari’ of the people via speeches and song as did the late provincial liberation heroes cde Chinx Chingaira, Solomon Skuza among many others. 

These war veteran cdes and many others that are still alive relate with ease at to what the term ‘zvigananda’ meant.  Because they were taught it in Marxian class terms. 

Some of them understand what it means beyond Marx.  As they occasionally interacted, according to them with Machel, Nyerere before deployment to the front in the late 1970s.  In these rare and occasional interactions with these African liberation icons they claim they were taught about class struggle in Africa.

 And they were also warned about a key element about what would happen post the liberation struggle victory against the oppressor.

Wherein they were told that some of their own leaders before independence was acquired would begin to mimic the colonial oppressor. Both by way of social habit and also by way  of economic greed (businesses, houses, mines, farms, education).  The argument was that  they were not genuinely for the socialist objectives of the revolution/struggle but just intended to take the place of the oppressor! 

This is where the great African intellectual and revolutionary from Martinique, France and Algeria, Frantz Fanon comes into the picture about the term ‘zvigananda’.  This is beyond his discussions on issues of the necessity  of anti-colonial violence.  

In his seminal work, “The Wretched of The Earth” Fanon has a particular chapter titled, “The Trials and Tribulations of National Consciousness”. 

In this particular chapter, that is rarely read, he makes many startling statements of analysis of the aftermath of national liberation struggles.  He references a ‘nationalist bourgeoisie’ who we can now in Zimbabwe’s case refer to as ‘zvigananda’ supported by n all bearing political leader protected by the ruling party and its historical establishment players.

And I will quote Fanon at length here,

“… In the underdeveloped countries, we have a minimum of prosperity… there was no genuine bourgeoisie but rather an acquisitive, voracious, and ambitious petty caste, dominated by a small time racketeer mentality, content with the dividends paid out by the former colonial power. This short-sighted bourgeoisie lacks vision and inventiveness. It has learned by heart what it has read in the manuals of the West and subtly transforms itself not into a replica of Europe but rather its caricature.”   

The above quote from Fanon summarises our contemporary ‘zvingananda’s’.  they are basically consumerist and cannot explain their primary sources of their extravagant wealth.  They mimic western billionaires and flight in rented airplane as though they were in movies and main-actoring their post-colonial existences.  As individuals who can still invoke religion and money as one in the same.

So the war veterans are correct in their reference to ‘zvigananda’. Zviriko. Zvaiveko (they are there, they were also there).  And this includes vice president Chiwenga' public statements in his own succession battles with his boss ED Mnangagwa.  Except for the fact of what the war veterans did to their own people in 2008-09 after they lost to the opposition is still relatively unforgiven. 

And now they have to deal with the ‘zvigananda’ and expect us to support them for them trying to correct their own mistakes.

I will end with this Fanon quote, again, “  The living expression of the nation is the collective consciousness in motion of the entire people. It is the enlightened and coherent praxis of the men and women. The collective forging of a destiny implies undertaking responsibility on a truly historical scale… No leader whatever his worth, can replace the will of the people…”

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

# The quotes herein are from Fanon. F, The Wretched of the Earth, 1963. Presaince Africain

The Church and Constitutional Amendment Bill Number 3: Leveraging Faith, Politics and Patronage.

By Takura Zhangazha*

The Easter holidays always make for interesting interactions between religion and politics in Zimbabwe.   Most times they are just more of political leaders looking for photo opportunities with religious congregations that they deem have large numbers. 

Or alternatively religious leaders who want to demonstrate either deliberately or by default how their church has close proximity to state power.  And by dint of the same, political protection in whatever businesses, properties they already own or endeavour to control (schools, small-medium scale mines, hospitals, residential stands, transport companies and agricultural land).  All with the permissions, sometimes at the highest levels, of a serving/sitting government.

This years Easter gatherings were not so different expect for the current controversial development  that the serving government intends to extend its term in office to 2030.  And in order to do so has tabled before the public and Parliament a constitutional amendment bill no 3 (CAB3).  A development that has raised public debate on not only its necessity but also its democratic value proposition. 

Especially given the general historical political culture since 2000 that major changes to our national constitution are done via a public referendum for the people’s consent or dissent. 

So this 2026 Easter holiday was not only about religion and culture. It had a definitive political hue to it. 

A number of African Apostolic or Pentecostal church religious leaders with large followings and associated large economic pursuits made clear their support of CAB3.  In fact the Zion Christian Church (ZCC- Mutendi) did so in the presence of president Mnangagwa.  

While other congregations had their leaders assert the same position at also equally large or important  gatherings of their own.

This was barring the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops conference (ZCBC) that had issued a statement that expressed concerns over the need for a referendum for the people to decide on the matter. While one of its also politically powerful congregants vice president Chiwenga attended an Easter service where he was silent on the matter.   

Other orthodox churches have not been as pronounced on the matter and are probably more cautious in their approach.

All of this is interesting because of at least three political factors.

The first being that CAB3 is ambiguous in its popular political import with the people of Zimbabwe.  It has taken on a highly partisan dimension with the ruling party supporters who gathered for hearings last week being clear on their hardline support of it. 

While in the process ensuring the limited input of those opposed to it, particularly in Harare where prominent opposition leaders were harassed and a human rights lawyer assaulted.  

The contentious issue here is the political choreography of it. From the limited Parliamentary four day period for public consultations to allegations of the bussing in of supporters to the same meetings.  Add to this the apparent resistance to it from factions of war veterans then one can understand why the church is being courted by the ruling party to take their side on it. 

The second significant issue is that  of the primary reason why the church is being courted in the first place.  Its not necessarily because they have much of an option because they have to remember the fact of their existence while guaranteed by the same constitution that is being amended is also subject to  specific state-church patronage systems.  

These systems touch on both the economic as well as the moral/social fabric of Zimbabwean society as they relate to not only the law but general government taxation policies for religious institutions and offshoot businesses that I have cited above.  In this what then obtains is an elitist symbiosis between church and ruling party leaders to create what can only become a ‘ruling establishment until 2030.  One that will continually owe each other ‘favours’.

The third and final element is that because of the paucity of the opposition political parties in Zimbabwe, alternative narratives to this immediate CAB3 are limited in their reach.  Therefore it appears simpler to go with the flow until such a time the opposition movements to this become once again more structured and organic in national politics and issues related thereto.   In this, even where religious leaders were to oppose CAB3, they would quite literally become the opposition itself given the fact that they are well organized and in most cases have a significant national moral reach on at least a weekly basis. 

And in becoming as such the main opposition, they would be in violation of the constitution that retains Zimbabwe as an officially secular state with a liberal bill of rights that recognizes the right to freedom of worship of all religions. 

In conclusion however there is a growing tendency for religious leaders to want to play the ‘numbers game’ where it comes to our national politics.  Because there will least likely be a national referendum, religious leaders that are in support of CAB3 are dangling numbers in order to help the current government control the narrative.  They will get their ‘favours’ in return.  But its an exercise that remains patently elitist, undemocratic and self-centered/absorbed by the ruling establishment. Both in intent and result.   

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity