South Africa’s former president Thabo Mbeki recently gave a
relatively brief speech on the legacy of the late Robert Mugabe. He was
speaking at a memorial service organized by the ruling African National
Congress (ANC) in Durban, South Africa.
Mbeki’s speech and probable future interviews on Mugabe was always
going to be highly anticipated. Not only
because as president of South Africa and in various capacities within the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) he was pivotal
in defending what he considered Zimbabwe’s sovereignty.
By default this was also seen to be a defense of Mugabes
leadership by Western superpowers.
And as expected in his eulogy Mbeki was always going to
touch on the shared history of the ANC and Zimbabwe’s liberation
movements. Including the all important
post Zimbabwe independence decision under Mugabe’s leadership to delay a
radical land reform process in order not to railroad the independence
negotiations of South Africa.
He however made a rather outlandish statement by saying that
not a single Zimbabwean wanted Robert Mugabe deposed from power. And that such a motive was largely motivated
by ‘outsiders’. He also made reference
to the media as being key in this narrative of Mugabe’s ouster and that even
the main opposition political outfit, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
wanted help to help ‘us find each other’.
As opposed to seeing the back of Mugabe.
With his own emphasis as of old
that the ANC during his leadership was keen on the reality that the people of
Zimbabwe be allowed to determine their own destiny.
Mbeki also mentioned the Global Political Agreement for which
he was SADC’s appointed mediator, as showing in part the character of the country
that Mugabe wanted to leave behind as his legacy. While not going into its details, it was evident
that Mbeki valued the GPA and the reforms it brought to Zimbabwe. However to imply that it was part of Mugabes
vision might be taking things a tad too far as this was also co-authored by opposition
leaders. And in any event, it was to be a short lived political arrangement that
Mugabe was happy to see the back off, apart from constitutional amendments that
allowed him to retain the executive presidency.
But perhaps that is all moot and for the historians to
adjudge as to the GPA’s durability and legacy.
The most controversial point that Mbeki raised in his speech
was that at some point former British prime minister Tony Blair had some sort
of plan to use force to effect political change in Zimbabwe. (It would be useful to also remember that they were once very good friends espousing the 'third way' in global development policies.)
Citing a retired general who stated in his memoirs that he was surprised that Blair had asked him of the feasibility of military intervention in Zimbabwe, Mbeki sarcastically makes the comment that Blair would deny this.
Citing a retired general who stated in his memoirs that he was surprised that Blair had asked him of the feasibility of military intervention in Zimbabwe, Mbeki sarcastically makes the comment that Blair would deny this.
Soon after Mbeki’s lecture, a former minister in Blair’s
cabinet Peter Hain tweeted that it was ‘fantasy’ that Britain ever considered
an invasion of Zimbabwe.
The good thing for Zimbabweans, regardless of whoever is
telling the truth, is that there was no military invasion of our country.
Iraqi, Libya or Afghanistan style. And
for that we owe SADC and probably Mbeki himself a lot.
What I also found intriguing was the Pan African narrative
that Mbeki intended to demonstrate full knowledge of. And the inference of the necessity of
compromise and learning from each other of the main liberation movements in the
region. It was almost as though Mbeki
knows that what he values as the actions of Pan African solidarity of old together
with an attendant nationalist consciousness is dying.
The only catch is that there are many reasons for this, which
include but are not limited to the fact our nationalist leaders failed to grasp
generational praxis. That is, the ability of the leaders to build organizations
that function organically and with an understanding that democratic value
systems transcend one person’s particular leadership.
The deficit in this preferred understanding are glaringly clear
with the continued specter of xenophobia in South Africa and undelivered promises
of liberations struggles across generations.
And more significantly in our leaders’ latter day tragic embrace of
neo-liberalism as inevitable and without an alternative.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
https://zimnative.com/blogs/historical-sites-and-ancient-ruins
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