Tuesday, 14 July 2020

Emerging Temporality, “Ephemeralism” in Zim’s National Consciousness

By Takura Zhangazha*

It is always going to be a difficult question to answer.   The one about how something that effectively represents temporality can evolve into a more regular/cyclical pattern or occurrence.  And generally with the same probable results. 

Almost as a situation in which the immediate suddenly also becomes the future. On repeat.

I am referring here to the emerging patterns of what would be Zimbabwean’s national consciousness or to be more straightforward- national or ‘nationalized’ emotions.

But with an explainer that this is not just peculiar to our own country.  It is probably a global phenomenon caused by various factors.  With the most prominent being the world political economy as determined by the neo-liberal ideological straightjacket and misplaced faith in the ‘free market’ as defined by the interests of private capital and our general global consumerism/hedonism.

But for this write up it would be much simpler to focus on Zimbabwe.

In doing so I am aware that not many of us would be aware of the turn of phrase ‘national consciousness’.  Save for those who may have encountered revolutionaries such as Franz Fanon and read their organic analysis of what should inform struggles for the liberation of not only African countries but also African minds. 

In our current context however this may be too complex an analytical angle to attempt.  Not for lack of trying but because of the very same emerging culture of ‘temporality/ immediacy’. Or what I would call ‘ephemeralism’ that is emerging in our national political, economic and social culture.

In this, there is no general national desire to understand things, events as they occur more holistically.  We function essentially in the immediacy of the moment. With convenient and scant references to our preferred versions of either national history or societal models in the global north/east. 

And it is understandable. For at least four relatively ‘easy’ reasons. The first and more obvious being that of the fact of the mediums in which we now expand our understanding of issues and the world.  Foremost among these being social media as we immediately access it via technologies such as the mobile phone and its accessories. Or how those with the aforementioned access bring it to those without. 

Social media is essentially designed to function in the immediate for its users.  But not its owners, a point often lost to us when we claim it as our very personal own. And there have been a number of researches on the psycho-social impact it has had in either modifying human behavior or establishing ‘echo-chambers’ that fortify our own prejudices or even resistances to progressive change.  Hence you will not find that much critical or ideological analysis in the privately owned Twittersphere’s, Facebook and WhatsApp platforms in Zimbabwe or its Diaspora.  Again, for emphasis, this is not a bad thing because free expression can never be prescriptive. It can however be assumed to have some sort of long term progressive perspectives and understanding of events as they unfold. 

And this is where we probably are.  It is easier to move from one #hashtag to the next than take a step back and try to understand the underlying causes.  Probably for fear of getting left behind.  In any event it would definitely be easier than trying to speed-read an e-book or detailed article on the #hashtag subject matter.

A key question would then be,  “Are events that have been occurring in Zimbabwe that unexpected beyond social media’s ephemeral gaze?”  Their (events) shock and awe characteristics as presented via social media platforms tend to make the heart skip a beat but the mind to also set aside some sort of due contextual cognitive process.  It is therefore a question of, “How does it make you feel?” As opposed to, “what does it make you think?”

The latter two questions are now interplaying themselves in real life offline situations such as how we handle the short and long term effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on Zimbabwean society.  And many other forms of activism that either seek to challenge or affirm the ruling establishment.  And in this, as individuals, we function with too much that we may want to be ‘recognized’ for.  Even if briefly and with too little time.

To the extent that before we know it, our target audiences have moved on to the next new phenomenon with limited little learnt or gleaned. Except for entertainment and probable expansion of again, ephemeral influence.

Beyond the new mediums of ephemeral national consciousness/emotion there are also other factors that play a significant role in its expansion. 

These include in the second instance the role of religion in its new found focus on the materialist aspects of Zimbabwean human existence. Almost as though it is arguing ‘we are what we consume’ in order to find ‘eternal life’.  The inter-changeability of material hedonism with mainstream and newer religious outfits in an age of global neoliberalism has been phenomenal to say the least.  Especially in Zimbabwe’s last twenty or so years.  Something that some have called the ‘rise of the prophets’ into our national consciousness.  And in most cases, for rather short term reasons and end-effect.

Thirdly, the ‘curious’ state of mainstream political parties (ruling and opposition) has unfortunately led to an undermining of what should have been a long term ingrained democratic culture in Zimbabwe. In the instance of the ruling party the fact that it could not effect a democratic leadership succession plan brought Zimbabwe to the precipice via the intervention of the military in a coup. 

In the mainstream opposition, again the same affliction of a lack of intra-party democracy means that consciousness remains mired in the immediacy of power than any longer term considerations beyond the same.

Fourthly and finally, our increasingly ephemeral national consciousness is probably down to a lack of a continuum of previous and new ideas that sift and shift through our national history for organic alternatives that young Zimbabweans can learn from, look up to or at least teach others. A situation that in borrowing from Gramsci refer to as the lack of a ‘generational praxis’ approach to an ideologically liberatory history.  It may sound a tad too intellectual or academic for social media, religious institutions or mainstream political actors. But I am sure it will help at some point.

Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com) 


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