By Takura Zhangazha*
I remember being interviewed by a journalist for a global
media house some time ago during the November 2017 “coup-not- a coup” in
Zimbabwe. In the pre-recorded interview it
appeared he preferred an editorial slant that would respond to the general popular
view and ‘relief’ that the long duree president, Robert Mugabe had finally been
removed from power. And how of course as
with news journalism the public mood as seen via army mediated demonstrations
in the capital Harare should be reflected in analyzing events as they occurred.
Given the fact that he considered me an analyst, I went out
of my way to break down what I considered the complexities of events. These included my own perspective that the
November events were primarily a direct result of the ruling Zanu PF’s party
lack of an internally acceptable succession plan. As opposed to any popular
uprising. And that where he considered the military factor as decisive he would
probably need to view the latter within the context of divisions among war
veterans of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle and not in a typical ‘army simply
takes over’ perspective. Inclusive of
the fact that SADC as the primary regional oversight body on Zimbabwe was
likely to be a bit more nuanced in its approach to the events depending on how
they panned out.
My perspective on the matter did not make the final cut of
the story that eventually appeared on the news channel. I did not follow up with the journalist
colleague as to why this was the case.
But I understood the probable reasons.
My views did not probably suit three criteria. Firstly, the editorial position
of the global media house. And secondly the target audience (especially in the
global north) of the story and their own pre-conceived understanding of the
prism through which political events in Zimbabwe must be understood. That is, a
basket case of a country. And the very real possibility that the journalist if
he failed to file a story that suited the editorial slant of the media house,
he was probably not going to get paid.
The same is possibly true for local state media controlled
narratives. Though I must confess to not being interviewed by them in a long
while on any major events in Zimbabwe.
But judging from their own content, again there is a predisposition
toward pushing specific editorial lines that are sympathetic to the ruling
establishment or alternatively seeking out audiences with empathy for the
same.
In the three years after November 2017 these narratives has
again shifted due to a number of factors.
While the global media and its target audiences sought a Zimbabwean success
story made in their own image, the leaders of what is now referred to as the
second republic presumably failed to meet these standards. Especially after the
2018 general elections and every subsequent major international meeting where
Zimbabwe came under some sort of global scrutiny. The ruling establishment has however been
trying its damned hardest to still fit into this entrenched narrative that it
is still in the short term, least likely to win. Not only via its embrace of global
neoliberalism but also by way of insisting on ‘re-engaging’ those that would
sooner see the back of it.
On the other hand, the mainstream opposition has sought to
also harness the same said global narratives because these are backed by
powerful countries in the global west.
While also claiming greater proximity to the leaders of these same said
global powerhouses and the singular ability to ‘unlock’ immeasurable wealth.
In either of the aforementioned cases, what becomes clear is
that the entrenched narratives about what Zimbabwe is or can be are not
necessarily about the people of Zimbabwe.
By default they will reflect sentiments that are to be found on the
ground in relation to popular or populist opinion but in the final analysis, it
would appear that the approval of them will be found elsewhere.
This is an existential dilemma for Zimbabwe. There can be
more serious conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan or an escalation of Covid
19 cases in western Europe but Zimbabwe will always hog a news headline or two. This does not just stem from journalism but
more significantly from entrenched narratives.
Even when the neo-liberal IMF projects economic growth in our country,
this is less significant and not in merit of follow up stories and analysis in
the immediate.
We are a country that is assumed to basically always be on
the brink of catastrophe. Globally. And
in some cases internally as a result of the former. Unless there is a globally anticipated and accepted narrative of change as viewed and accepted by others.
In all of this, we lose track of values, principles and in
some cases, facts about our own country. Instead we seek more what we want to
hear and from whom we want to hear it than what we should pragmatically know
and come to understand.
What should occur is that we own our own Zimbabwean
narratives more. And that we come to understand issues, events in the fullness
of our own national contexts and our general placement in global politics. Were
we do not own our narratives others will gladly step in and casually decide, in
ephemeral moments, what suits their own interests.
I will end on an ambiguous anecdotal note. In an interview
with a journalist the late Tanzanian leader and Pan-African luminary Julius
Nyerere was asked about the African proverb
‘When elephants fight it is the grass that suffers” He laughed and said
that he had once used that same proverb with the late Singaporean founding leader Lee Kuan Yew
who retorted, “ When elephants make love, the grass also suffers, no?”. Nyerere also
laughed at the counter narrative. But the African proverb has never changed.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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