Explaining Zimbabwe’s Re-Established Fifth Estate

By Takura Zhangazha*

Those who have studied in one form or the other law, journalism and social sciences are likely to be familiar with the political use of the term ‘estate’.  It would normally refer to at least three arms of the state.  Namely the executive (Government), the legislature (Parliament) and the Judiciary (courts of law).  This triumvirate is generally deemed to be in charge of what is referred to as ‘checks and balances’ in the exercise of state power.  Especially in a society that is considered to be democratic.   And they are usually formally recognized by law through written constitutions or Acts of Parliament and traditions.

In Zimbabwe’s case whereas arguments can be made about the extent or reach of our democracy, we also have these three legalised ‘estates’.  They are also referred to as the three arms of the state. But in the case of this particular blog we will stick with ‘estate’ as it connotes not only territoriality but also assumptions of ownership beyond just control. 

There is also another ‘estate’.  This is generally referred to as the ‘fourth estate’.  This is comprised of the mainstream media owners and journalists.  It is not as formal as the aforementioned three because it is predicated on the right of all people to freedom of expression.  The assumption being that it will then remain free from legal formalities that inform its counterparts and therefore give the general public some sort of say about how society is run.  It is however perennially under threat from either the executive or legislature where it digresses from hegemonic intentions of the day or era.   This is because it can neither issue executive orders (government), pass laws (Parliament) or give final judgments (courts). 

Though it is in a parlous state.  Our mainstream media has suffered years of attack particularly from the executive and the legislature.  It has also suffered at the hands of its private or state proprietors who either prioritized profits over the public interest or deemed it fit to take partisan approaches above media professionalism.   It therefore is not as influential as it was either in the past or as would be preferable in a democratic society.  Even where it has now seen itself taking a multi-media route with the advent and influence of privately owned social media platforms. 

There is however a key somewhat hidden, somewhat integrated fifth estate that we rarely talk about in Zimbabwe.  In other countries this is sometimes referred to as the for example Eisenhower ‘Military-Industrial Complex’ (USA) or in the global east as ‘oligarchies’.  For our purposes we will limit ourselves to the ‘fifth estate’. 

It flourished quite well under Universal Declaration of Independence (UDI) Rhodesia as it sought to bust sanctions.  It also did fairly well in our first ten years of post-independence. It floundered with the introduction of Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in the 90’s due to the opening of the ‘free market’ floodgates.  And things got worse for it when the executive, parliament and judiciary teamed up to implement the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) and the Indigenization Act predicated on radical populist black nationalism.  In order to try and keep its head afloat, it dabbled in opposition politics to create a counter-hegemonic narrative to Mugabe’s radical nationalism.  To all intents and purposes it hijacked the labour backed mainstream opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) social democratic narrative to suit it more to its interests.  But it grew tired of the MDC’s lack of electoral success for whatever reasons and probably began to see some sort of light in what it considered its arch nemesis, Zanu PF. 

And this is where we can arrive at explaining that Zimbabwe’s fifth estate is private capital.  The rise of Mnangagwa and his deliberate overall policy of the ‘ease of doing business’ has given this fifth estate new reason to reconsider its interests and allegiances.   It definitively no longer has an interest in opposition politics because of the neoliberal stance adopted by the current Zimbabwe government.

But more interestingly it is no longer a shadow player in the state ‘estate matrix’.  It is now a key player as encouraged by Mnangagwa.  Both in its local and global formats.  The infrastructure development programmes have seen it take centre stage in state contracts.  Even if they are linked to Chinese investment.  The repealing of indigenization laws has opened up new opportunities for private capital to put its money where its mouth is. Be it in mining, manufacturing or tax havens (Victoria Falls). 

All of these developments embed private capital with not only the executive but a vested interest in the ‘checks and balances’ of the exercise of state power.  And because private capital always protects to the best possible extent its property rights, the open sesame they have been given by Mnangagwa means they are now intrinsically part of the state.  And they know that based on the promises the executive is making to them and to the people, they are increasingly indispensable.  Especially where and when they are sold for example previously state owned gold refineries or have first rights to the discovery of oil.  All they have to guarantee as the fifth estate is some sort of ‘trickle-down effect’ to their accumulation of private profit. That is, to guarantee support for the standing executive or its future leaders in order to maintain this neoliberal status quo in Zimbabwe. 

And this brings about a final question.  Who is running who in the current state of affairs in Zimbabwe? Is the executive running private capital or is the reverse true?  At the moment it would not be incorrect to assume that there is, for now, a mutually beneficial relationship.  Almost a ‘you scratch my back, I scratch yours’ sort of scenario.   Especially and only if to guarantee another 5 years of this elitist mutually beneficial relationship post 2023.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)