Africa’s Religious Misunderstanding of Palestine and Israel.

By Takura Zhangazha*

The much referred to Middle East has multiple and diverse meaning(s) for many Africans.   The majority of these meanings are religious ones.  Given our historical interaction with the slave trade,  pre-colonial trade routes, colonialism and neo-colonialism, these ‘meanings’ of that geographical place that straddles what is referred to as the Arabian Peninsula are in the contemporary mainly religious.  Stretching from North Africa, past Palestine, Israel and through to Iraq as Africans we have been influenced either by Christian, Muslim or Judaic faiths and social practices. 

Hence almost every year we have thousands of Africans making annual pilgrimages to what they consider holy sites in various religious capitals of that region.  Be it in Jerusalem, Mecca or elsewhere within the ambit of their preferred religiosity.

So as Africans and given our general propensity to religion, we also sort of have what I consider an awkward sense of belonging to this region.  Moreso where we recall various colonialisms and their creative plays on what should be considered the ‘promised land’. 

What we do not discuss as much, beyond faith, is the fact of the geo-political global dynamics behind the wars that we are witnessing in this ‘promised land’ region.

Pastors, Rabbis, Imams, Priests generally tend to leave Africa South of the Sahara to go and give libation at ancient walls and monuments on our behalf but rarely tell us about the fact that the contemporary conflicts in the region are essentially non-religious.

Instead they are historically man-made and follow a string of colonialist contestations over land and natural resources.  Be it over gas, oil as well as falsely constructed assumptions of religious superiority. 

But a bit of background to my argumentation may be necessary.

In what is a fairly complicated history we, as Africans, began to interact with Middle East issues politically during the First World War as recruited soldiers from mainly British and French African colonies. 

We however had limited interaction with this where and when our racially limited access to global affairs through the Syke-Pikot agreement of 1916 made us only know after the event. Religiously so via missionaries of various faiths. 

This was when the then global superpowers including Russia assigned each other territories in the Middle East.   

We however had no direct role in the establishment of the initial parameters of what was to become a Jewish state that we now call Israel.  

That was the Balfour Declaration wherein, as is historically now known, the British foreign secretary of the same name in principle agreed with a British Jewish community leader named Rothschild to establish a future Jewish homeland in a then independent Palestine.  This was in 1917. 

The pattern of Africa’s non-political but religious involvement in what remains a colonialist exercise did not change much after the Second World war.  Or when the state of Israel was established and its subsequent Western backed wars against Egypt and its allies.  Especially where we consider the Nakba (the first ‘Catastrophe’) of Palestinians in 1948.  The second Nakba was to happen in 1967.   

However, by that time we were too engrossed in coming into a new liberatory consciousness of fighting for our own African independence to have a full comprehension of what was happening in the Middle East.

Mainly because a majority of African countries were in full flight fighting against colonialism and repression.  

Despite this we began to understand the Middle East and North Africa struggles against occupation better.  In some cases almost as how they were similar to our own.  So we became allies of the Palestinian peoples in and many of our liberated African countries hosted the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO).

With the recent 2024 International Criminal Court (ICC) case against Israel as led by South Africa and as supported by many African, including Zimbabwe and other global south countries since the recent war and alleged genocide against Palestinians, it appears we have remained true to this historical and liberation narrative.

Despite this a majority of us as Africans have an unfortunate misunderstanding of how to balance our religiosity with historical fact.   

Try for example telling a die hard Christian that Israel is not a ‘chosen’ nation and see their vituperative response.  Or that Jerusalem is only biblically referred to as a ‘city on the hill’ but in reality it is a city that was historically diverse until the first Nakba and the animosity that comes with the current displacement and genocide of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. 

Or alternatively tell a Muslim brother/sister that there was never an historical argument between either the Muslim or Christian faiths until colonial and post/neo-colonial geo-politics got involved. 

Again arguments will revolve around religiosity that dehumanizes either faiths and creates generational animosity that will probably see no end in our lifetimes.  Even as far away in Zimbabwe as if we are geographically or even culturally from the Middle East. 

But these are debates that are increasingly emotional.  Either based on the rise of a newfound false religiosity that embraces materialism on earth and in heaven as the reason why to read the Bible or Koran in its literal sense.  Or on the basis of manufacturing some sort of African consent to a conflict that is historically distant to who we are apart from, again, the interface between our religious contemporary beliefs and their often ignored repressive religious historical colonialism. 

The historical reality of African and Palestine is that we can only act in solidarity with the latter.  It is an historically necessary objectivity.  Despite our own complicated religiosity and how it affects our everyday lives and future generations.

The violence and genocide we are witnessing in Palestine and of late the bombings in Lebanon is not of our African making.  But we have to know where its racist origins are from and what it means to the peoples of those regions.   Or how it has over a long period morphed into a false religious war between what were previously amicable religions in more recent global history. Including why the United States of America and the European Union still support the callous and inhumane actions of Israel in the region. With or without religion. 

Now we are at the brink of wars that will not only have religious overtones for many a pious African but more of a global impact that may regrettably signify the beginning of a Third World War.  One with nuclear implications.  All I know is that Africa needs to remain aware of the fact these are not directly our wars or conflicts.  But we have to understand that they mean more than they portend on television and social media. Solidarity remains key with all the oppressed and occupied people of the world. As we were once oppressed and occupied. Religion and all.   

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)

Zimbabwe has Misread the UN General Assembly 2024

 By Takura Zhangazha*

Zimbabwe’s president Emerson Mnangagwa recently announced that he will not be attending the 2024 United Nations General Assembly (UNGA).  Through an official statement from his office, he cited what he referred to as a ‘dense schedule’ as the main reason why his Foreign Affairs minister will undertake Zimbabwe’s address to the UNGA. 

As to be expected there has been mainstream and social media speculation as to why he is not attending.  These speculations range from fear for his own safety, divisions within the ruling Zanu PF party and the most ridiculous one being some assumption that he would lose power by attending what is essentially a four day global summit for heads of state and government.

These are relatively abstract speculations which have not yet proven to be based on any facts. 

And to also immediately add that not all heads of state/government make the annual pilgrimage to the UNGA. They can choose to attend in person, send their representatives or in some cases address the UNGA via online platforms where and when it is permitted.

What has however been interesting is what I consider an African and Zimbabwean misunderstanding  of the importance of the United Nations as an organization.

Both in its historicity and in the contemporary as it works toward the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) .  As well as what its secretary general Antonio Guterrez has referred to as the ‘Summit of the Future’. 

Historically, the UN has been a friend to the African decolonization process.  Barring of course the intransigence of some members of the UN Security Council (UNSC) such as the United States of America (USA),  United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) since its formation. 

The recognition of struggles for independence by African countries was always finally sealed at the UNGA.  Addresses by liberation struggle and post-independence leaders in solidarity with others who were still fighting for self-determination as determined by the UN Charter were always progressively accepted by the UNGA.  From Nyerere to Cabral among many others, the UNGA served as a global platform to draw the attention of the world to Africa’s liberation struggles and to change what was then a colonial global narrative of who we were and who we can be as free peoples. 

By the time Nelson Mandela addressed the UNGA as the president of South Africa this historicity had come full circle barring the struggle for the independence of the Saharawi Republic from Morocco. 

In the second instance, the UN and its agencies have been arbiters of progressive societal change.   Not only when we consider global human equality relations but also development and modernization of previously racially and colonially marginalized societies. 

The UN therefore is centrally placed in how we seek to address global challenges as a collective and equal but diverse human family.

Naturally there are those that challenge its broad global importance. Mainly via the UNSC where global superpowers argue and veto each other over mainly the doctrine of liberal interventionism,  global dominance as most emblematized by the historically contested reach of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).   

Add to these contestations, the desire of the African Union (AU) to want at least three permanent seats of the UNSC and we have a Pan African perspective on how serious let alone important the UN as global organization is or at least should be. 

But the essential point of this brief write up is that Zimbabwe’s president has chosen not to go to the UNGA in 2024.  As argued above, this is permissible in terms of the UN’s own inclusive regulations.    

The import of this decision is at least two-fold. 

The first is its own contradiction of Zimbabwe’s foreign policy directive of global ‘re-engagement’ at the highest possible levels.  The UN is one such platform of engagement in any country’s foreign policy.  Even if it appears tedious, as does international diplomacy, the significance of world leaders attending this meeting creates a global cultural understanding of the UNGA’s importance and necessity.

The second element is that Mnangagwa decided not to attend to this years UNGA because of the likely assumption that there are too many global challenges in which Zimbabwe quite literally has no say except to its evident strongest allies, China and Russia.  And whatever they say, we will likely vote with them.

From the war in Ukraine through to the Israel genocide in Palestine and also the pending international relations impact of the elections in the USA, there may not be an urgent reason why Mnangagwa should be at the UNGA. 

More so when Zimbabwe as a country is nowhere near any other global superpower’s agenda for violating statutes of the UN Charter or its supporting declarations.  Or when we, as a country, have been reported in the mainstream media as wanting to be one of the African countries that want to be on the UNSC. 

When we look at it, in the final analysis, president Mnangagwa’s decision not to go to the UNGA this year does not give good Pan Africanist optics.  

Historically, most progressive African presidents have ensured that they at least officially make their struggles, issues known at the highest possible levels at the UNGA.  Not out of just a country focused foreign policy but also in order to recognize the global significance of the UN in keeping the world marginally politically stable and working to prevent war and improve human lives.

Arguably the noble intentions of the UN are not giving the impression that they are being adhered to.  But we must always hold on to the progress we have made.  Globally.  And under the auspices of the UN.

Our president may not have the time to attend the #UNGA2024, but I hope he recognizes its importance.  At this time and in this moment of global uncertainty induced by regional wars, emergent racism and climate change challenges.  And in this, as Kwame Nkrumah opined “Africa Must Unite!” More-so at the UNGA2024.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)  

 

 

 

 

Discussing Race and the Global North in 2024

 By Takura Zhangazha*

So in the American (USA) presidential campaign that is underway in 2024, there have been multiple racist overtones from the Republican candidate, Donald Trump and his vice president nominee, JD Vance.  They have both ridiculously argued that Haitian immigrants are stealing cats and dogs to eat in a town called Springfield, Ohio.

The local mayor has dismissed these claims as unfounded and therefore false.  But the Republican campaign team has continued with the narrative as the USA presidential campaign has continued. 

In the United Kingdom, even after the Labour party’s recent electoral victory there were also  anti-immigrant riots in Rotherham which peaked with an attempt to ransack an asylum seekers hotel in the same city. 

In other European countries elections and other political processes have seen the rise of immigration and of course race as big electoral issues.  Not necessarily against Ukrainians but with implied and alleged bias against immigrants of colour.  Especially where it concerns the illegal immigration across the English/French channel and also the awkward Rwanda repatriation plan for asylum seekers. 

What is however apparent as a result of this is that a lot of Western European and North American societies are fixated on immigration, race and racist narratives of where their societies are at.

Even as they seek to recruit people from Africa, Asia and South America to come and undertake social care and health work in their societies. 

In this, the striking irony is the politicized nature of these global north societies and their perceptions of immigrants, voting and prioritization of the protection of Israel in the ongoing genocide in Palestine.  

And also newfound censorships of social media accounts that are deemed to be not in line with their various governments key foreign and domestic policy positions. (A very popular platform AfricanStream has been banned from Youtube, Facebook and Instagram) 

As an African living in Africa, these issues should be relatively distant from my own consciousness.  But because we are all invariably connected to the great African Diaspora in the global north, we still have to debate these developments as objectively as we possibly can. 

And a key starting point is to acknowledge that the Global North countries or the Western world as it has been historically referred to by mainstream media is in what I would consider a societal populist crisis about race relations and racism in its presentations of its democratic and social set up.   The colonial style cultural othering of black and brown faces is back in full political and electoral vogue in Western, Eastern Europe and also in North America. 

And as Africans we need to contend with this reality whether we are living there or not.  Or at least advise those that are close to us and sending their remittances back home that we are aware of their increasingly difficult positioning in societies that have prominent politicians either accusing them of eating cats and dogs.  Or deliberately taking jobs that their own ordinary people will not do or are under qualified for. 

This goes beyond popular movements such as the Black Lives Matter.  This is quite literally a  cultural and historical phenomenon of identity based nationalism that has multiple conspiracy theories.  From arguing that mass migration leads to changes in which race(s) take control of their societies via electoral numbers crunch games through to questioning the authenticity of black or brown peoples’ birth places and right to pursue political leadership. 

What is more insidious is the evident subtlety of the racism as presented by mainstream and social media platforms.  Almost as though this were completely acceptable public interest language and debates.

But hegemony is what it chooses itself to be in its historicity.  Yes, racial discrimination was long ended by the United Nations and concerted struggles of humanity across colour lines but it now has new populist versions that are sanitized by a gullible mainstream media, social media corporations, billionaires and exceedingly self-absorbed, narcissistic political leaders.  With the latter pandering to the reflectively worst forms of xenophobia, racism, gatekeeping and ahistorical assumptions of radical nationalism. 

The point however as an African is not to get angry at these new but relatively old historical developments.   Instead it is better to seek to understand and debate them in not only their racial but also economic and mimicry terms. 

With the full knowledge that because of ‘mimicry’ and material desire, a lot of our young African comrades will still continue taking both legal but often times illegal perilous journeys to the global north.  

Now there are many progressive comrades in the global north who are aware of these developments.  And they are trying their best to mitigate the racism and fighting the corner for racial equality and justice.   Some of them are even policy makers.  But recent electoral results show their influence to be waning and they with almost apologetic regret acknowledge this. 

Then there are also the African brothers and sisters who tragically are also part of the racist narrative either telling their black or brown colleagues to sort their papers and go home.  Or how newer immigrants do not deserve to be in the global north unlike them who have already started families or have been there long duree and acquired either green-cards or citizenship.  All of which does not change the fact of racism and its multiple end effects where they are living. 

But as a final point, it is evident that the Global North, while being arguably democratic, has re-emergent serious issues with race, immigration and racism. At a populist and electoral level that should make every black or brown person pause and reflect on what is going on there.  Or ask questions about how this is increasingly affecting global politics and international relations.

And for sure, just like they comment on our democratic credentials in the Global South, we can most certainly comment on their flailing ones in the Global North.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com) 

 

 

 

 

 

ZimDanceHall(ing) to a Changing National Consciousness

 By Takura Zhangazha*

I did not know that what is now referred to as Zimbabwe Dancehall (ZimDancehall)  music has captured a lot of young Zimbabweans’ cultural hearts and minds.  At least not to the reported extent that it appears to have now done.  

At the end of August 2024, there was a major event called Cup clash for the genre at the local City Sports Centre in Harare.  I watched snippets of the show and also asked some young comrades what the excitement was all about. 

The answers varied but all boiled down to almost the same thing.  Basically it is what is the new urban and peri-urban ghetto culture in Zimbabwe.  Some considered it spontaneous, others more of a reflection of economic and drug-abuse related existential frameworks for many youths in the country.   Others still saw it as just the transformation of our local music industry to keep up with global trends, social media platforms and the immediacy of the popular need for any form of radically different entertainment. 

What is relatively apparent is that it is more or less an emerging, entertaining, even if for now ephemeral, cultural lifestyle for many young Zimbabweans.

I laughed the other day when a young man was walking up and down my local neighbourhood apparently chanting his rhymes.  All the while with earphones straddling his head.  I was a little bit shocked and asked him if everything was ok.  He replied that he was practising his song for the latest ‘tune’ coming out of a Dzivaresekwa studio.  And moreso that if I could possibly help him with at least $US5 for a studio session in the same suburb.

Apart from asking him to give me a sample of his music, I did go on and help him with the required studio session amount. I have not really heard from him since.  Perhaps because he probably did not meet the required chanter standards.

What however is more interesting about this ZimDancehall genre has been what it associates itself with vis-a-vis its actual content and how government and older Zimbabweans view it.

I will start with its content.  It is highly creative and also generally mimics what comes out of its founding Jamaican counterpart genre of music. 

It has a global feel in relation to its instrumentation (dancehall reggae rhythms and chants).  It is also highly materialistic and individualistic. Wherein attendant to the ‘riddims’ are lyrics that either talk of a rags to riches story or alternatively how much more of an indefatigable ‘champion’ one is in either music, money, women or global travel. 

This also being a reflection of the general ‘dog-eat-dog’ status of Zimbabwean society where individualism, materialism in its neo-liberal capitalistic sense rides roughshod over a majority of both the urban and rural poor.  In this is is also linked, tragically so, with a serious drug abuse pandemic that ironically is not limited to Zimbabwe but wherever this type of music is popular.

Then there is the manner in which it is also viewed by government and the ruling Zanu Pf party.  Almost in similar fashion to how government  and Zanu Pf relate to religious organisations, this music trend is viewed as a party supporter and voter mobilization tool.  Young and popular ZimDancehall artists will be roped in to compose or perform music palatable to ruling party cultural and mobilization functionaries.  Especially toward national elections or  national events presided over by the President or his functionaries.

In this politicized role, ZimDancehall artistes are also well aware of their own financial and material interests and will openly defy urban opposition political expectations of either neutrality or support.

This has been the case with a number of the most popular of these artists including some who initially sang songs more sympathetic to the opposition and eventually changed tack.  Ostensibly for the financial benefits that were evident for those that do not cross the ruling party. 

Beyond the politicization of the ZimDancehall genre, it is clearly here to stay for a while.  Its almost both age based (generational) and urban lifestyle driven. With a very awkward over romanticizing of the ‘urban ghetto’ and how someone got out of it in relation to poverty.  Only to want to go back and flaunt their success in the same never changing urban ghetto poverty.  Be it in a Special Utility Vehicle (SUV) or with wads of money. 

This brings me to the perception that older generations of Zimbabweans’ have of this music and expanding cultural genre.  On the face of it, it is a popular with older Zimbabweans where it has either catchy or trendy gospel or family value related themes.  It is highly unpopular however where it concerns the drug abuse related lifestyles that it organically depicts.  This is because some of its best musicians and creators are reportedly associated with varying forms of drug abuse.   And in most cases are also still viewed by many young Zimbabweans as role models because of their musical and material success. 

So older generations of Zimbabweans understandably worry about this. But even as they worry, they would do well to remember that when they were younger there were phases of specific popular types of music that they listened to that also meant specific lifestyles.  From country music through to reggae and even sungura.  Every music genre has its own time and influence.  And it cannot always be harnessed to be moralistic if your society remains economically unjust. 

That’s why after the late 1980s, with the advent of Economic Structural Adjustment (ESAP) and a breakdown in the Zimbabwean social welfare state, the music genre that ruled the roost was Christian gospel music. 

And why now, in our own age of state neoliberalism ZimDancehall reflects high levels of individualism and materialism.  Or even borderline pretensive egotism. Even where it does not materially apply.  

ZimDancehall music as a genre and a cultural lifestyle is a product of its contemporary time.  It reflects  Zimbabwean economic reality and the sometimes convoluted aspirations of many urban and peri-urban youths.  And yes, it cannot be censored or wished away.  Especially not in the age of social media. 

If you ask, “Will it come to pass?” The quick answer is only with the passing of time/ and changing age of its ardent fans.  And for sure those that come after them will re-invent another genre that reflects their lived social and economic realities.

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Undying Importance of Workers Committees’ in Zimbabwe.

By Takura Zhangazha*

With high levels of unemployment in the formal sector in Zimbabwe it is relatively given that formal trade unionism and workers rights activism is on the decline.  Yes we still have trade unions such as the brave Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) and its affiliates.  But it is only to be honest to say that workers’ rights activism is probably at an all time low.   

Not only because of the desperation many Zimbabweans have for any formal employment but also for fear of losing even that basic regular income, inadequate as it is, due to summary dismissals by nefarious bosses. 

In this, there is a not so new work/employment culture in Zimbabwe that exudes fear, arbitrary control and vicitmisation of the ordinary employee.   But mainly ‘fear’ of losing formal employment and whatever limited little benefits that accrue from it.

This is a rarely openly discussed subject matter.  Not least because of how either Human Resource departments run rings around employees. Or where lawyers file callous anti-worker litigation for big corporates (Zuva judgement anyone?)

So you may be a teacher, a nurse, a journeyman,  bank clerk, driver, engineer, accountant, farm worker or bar tender and security guard, your work environment is probably one that is ladled with fear.  A fear that relates to the possibility of a loss of employment.  Or as the young workers now say, a loss of the ‘base’ for any potential ‘hustle’.

This culture of workplace fear then creates a subculture of individualism and patronage to bosses.   Work colleagues begin to sell each other out in order to retain arbitrary favourable perceptions from their management superiors. 

Other colleagues also fall victim to sexual and unfair working hour’s abuse due to their desperation to keep these formal jobs. 

And the bosses do not mind these developments at all.  In fact, they exploit them further.  They will ensure that, if need be they emphasize the importance of following either labour law procedure which in Zimbabwe, favours them more than the worker. 

The one thing that they will try and weaken is that which is still allowed.  That is the Workers Committee. Or in any other format, Workers representation on issues that affect them within the company or the organization. They play on at least three issues.

The first being the work culture based on fear and vulnerability by employees of losing their jobs.  The second being having a strong Human Resources team that reinforces not only fear but offers the carrot to those workers that are deemed to be performing in line with mainstream management (awards as mundane as bicycles).   

In the third instance, they focus on ensuring that if there is a Workers Committee at either shop floor or other level, they weaken it. 

 Either by way of planting their own runners in it, or planting the fear of God in any radicalized leaders that may want to punch above their weight.  This includes arbitrary dismissals that drag out in court until the affected workers cannot afford labour lawyers and eventually just give up on what would be justiciable labour rights cases. 

This is also exacerbated with the new student internship schemes wherein cheaper, less qualified labour can be brought into to cover assumed gaps of more experienced employees.  Essentially student interns in all fields are treated as though they do not have labour rights.  And they are held hostage by not only where they are doing their internship but also by their own universities/ colleges that reserve the right to permit them to progress in their academic endeavours.

The combination becomes one of a fearful disempowered formal worker and a helpless, temporary student intern replacement and a malicious HR department in tandem with self-absorbed management out to protect its own material interests. 

Obviously we may ask, is there a solution to this?  The quick answer is that we have to re-vitalize workers unionism and rights within our variegated workspaces.  From the workers committees through to the formal registered and accountable trade unions. 

 This includes even those that are in temporary employment, because as the long standing maxim has historically gone, “An Injury to One, Is an Injury to All”.

The existent unions in Zimbabwe also now have to take this into account.  Whereas before, unionism was more or less a given, it is no longer contextually the same in the contemporary.  A lot of young workers do not understand unionism’s benefits out of fear of losing their jobs and short term materialistic desires.  Until they are unfairly dismissed or arbitrarily, even legally, taken advantage of without the necessary representation and collective support. 

We have to actively re-encourage the formation of workers committees, workers representation at all levels of Zimbabwe’s political economy.  Be it in blue or white collar jobs.  

This is where a new critical national consciousness around fairness and social economic justice can be revived.  Especially for young Zimbabweans.  And to ensure that cdes understand that in Southern Africa all post World War Two liberation movements stemmed initially from labour based workers’ rights movements such as the Industrial Commercial Workers Union of Clement Kadalie and subsequently of Joshua Nkomo as time progressed.   

Now, I am not as seasoned a trade unionist as I would have wished for.  In my employment history I have sort of straddled both employee and management roles.  Even though more as an employee than a manager.  So I have in multiple instances been a representative of what is generally referred to as the “Workers Committee”.  And I still realise that even those in so called management positions need to get over themselves and recognize that workers have rights. And moreso that they do not need to work in fear, let alone in cutthroat neo-liberalism.  We are all human. 
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)