Monday, 25 November 2024

Re-Explaining Zimbabwe’s Incrementalist / Conservative Politics

By Takura Zhangazha*

What has brought contemporary  Zimbabwean politics to where it is today?  The easy answer is the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mediated Global Political Agreement (GPA) in 2008. 

While we can talk about the legacy of Zanu Pf’s rule, the liberation struggle there is always a time when the past meets the present.  The past is never enough of an explanation of what obtains today.  Nor is it adequate to understand future political nuances as they occur. 

In fact there are always seismic events that change a country’s 'national' political trajectory.  And the GPA was one of them. Not just because of the rise of the initially leftist and labour backed Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in the late 1990s but also because of the passage of time and changing global political-economy dynamics after the end of the Cold War between the United States of America (USA) and the then Union of Soviet Social Republics (USSR) now known as Russia. 

Even more important is the passage of time and a changing generational consciousness.   The politics that were important to my mother or father in the 1980s or 1990s may not be as as important to you or me.  Neither are my own political values as important to my own children. 

And this is a completely understandable development except that it has historical nodes that cannot be wished away. As cited above you cannot forget the liberation struggle, independence, the one party state project, the introduction of Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes (ESAPs) and their eventual impact on a differentiated national consciousness.

Equally one can also not forget the coming into effect of the GPA in the midst of not only political violence but also the economic hyperinflation that lost us a currency and introduced a multi-currency regime that we live and suffer with today. 

The key point to be made is that the GPA has irreversibly shaped our current nationalist and opposition driven politics.  It set the framework for the multi-party parliamentary system that we have today, as controversial as it remains.  Based on both our lived economic-political realities and the negotiated national constitution that we have to live with. 

A constitution that came as a direct result of the tenets of the GPA and one that was also going to fracture the opposition even further than it already was by the time we had the  harmonized general election in 2013. 

And after another five years, brought the opposition together to form what was then referred to as the MDC-Alliance in a bid to finally defeat the ruling Zanu PF party from the presidency in 2018.   

That did not work.  Though it also led to divisions and factionalism in Zanu Pf itself for fear of losing the harmonized general election together with the eventual populist coup-not-a coup in November 2017 that ousted Robert Mugabe from power. 

The GPA is therefore our current political base and superstructure (to use Marxist lingo).  It has spawned a number of long-duree political developments that historically are informing our political culture. 

In the first instance, it, with the unity government formed in 2009, made it more politically acceptable to have liaison between the ruling and opposition political parties.  Something that was etched into the national imagination and is still talked about as some sort of possibility today. Even though the Political Actors Dialogue (POLAD) is generally looked down upon. 

In the second instance, the new negotiated constitution sort of reigned in both the ruling and opposition parties about what the courts/judiciary could do to their political or other ambitions based on not only the newer Bill of Rights but also the clauses that limited the powers of the President and Parliament.  Together what were then considered progressive electoral reforms that everyone still keeps harping on  about even after the 2013 constitutional referendum and subsequent electoral act amendments. 

More significantly, the economic policy intentions of both the ruling party and opposition were never markedly different since 2013.  The key issues were around who would get greater regional and international capital’s attention.  Including of course the global West and East superpowers willingness to either lift sanctions or provide bilateral aid. 

What has however not happened between 2013- 2018 is a growth of the political opposition in Zimbabwe, proper.  Whereas the assumption that the GPA laid a significant base for the expansion of an organic opposition politics, it became more populist.  The fact that with the 2017 November coup-not-a coup developments came with opposition support while it was largely a  Zanu Pf internal succession matter  did not make matters any better.  

These developments essentially meant that the opposition cannot talk about revolution anymore.  Nor will the ruling party.

What we have is a ‘slow change’ approach to our national politics.  Almost as though the parameters of what political ‘change’ can be have already been set.  Both electorally and in relation to any understanding of how the state power relates to private global and local capital.  Hence the general narrative of the ‘ease of doing business’. 

Whereas the opposition had been formed on the basis of a social democratic ideological agenda, it regrettably has been co-opted into a narrative it no longer controls and one in which it has demonstrated little desire to challenge anyway. 

One could almost argue that we are all now neo-liberals imbued with religious and inferiority complex fervor.  We no longer engage intellectually as we did prior to the GPA and its subsequent government of national unity.  We are more straitjacketed in our political views and are highly emotional but we do not have time for thoughts or opinions that are not ours.  

And our national consciousness is much more materialistic both by way of our newfound conservatism and very majority female controlled perceptions/ assumptions that God saves.  And we are losing our young minds to the Global North. Both intellectually, culturally and physically. 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com) 

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