Zimbabwe's Political Dilemma: Shallow Populism, Materialism and Dying Ideological Values

Zimbabwe has always had a very active and in some parts organic political culture. Since our national independence it has been largely characterised by a general sense of optimism about the future as relating to liberation struggle promises/values that also came with what we then referred to as 'morari' (morale). 

Which in turn meant cultural and popular music elements to accompany our then optimism in the early 1980s. 

All in the name of our own version of socialism that we referred to as 'gutsaruzhinji'.  

Even as the historically infamous Gukurahundi period ended as we approached the 1990s, we still had a generalised optimistic approach to our national political future. 

We had the then Mugabe government declaring five year programmes of development which had various themes and names that are now hard to fully recall what they meant. 

Until the after effects of Economic Structural Adjustment (ESAP) hit us hard in the early 1990s. Particularly after the 1992 drought that brought us down to earth via eating the infamous 'yellow maize'. 

And the emerging of more radical trade unions due to job cuts and a rising radical pro-democracy political activism that followed global post cold war trends. 

Particularly in the late 1990s when there was the formation of the labour backed Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to challenge the hegemony of the ruling Zanu Pf party. 

This challenge was from an initial organic standpoint. Where the narrative was that the ruling establishment had betrayed the values of the liberation struggle.

In turn, the establishment racheted up its populism and started the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) from 2000 to present as a counter narrative. As well as a claim to a 'return' to historical values and principles. 

And as a justification for retaining power by hook or by crook in order to finish off the purported next phase of the liberation struugle (the 3rd Chimurenga). 

We then moved to the political impasse where the past clashed with the present in 2008 and had to accept a SADC mediated government of national unity until 2013. Thats when the 'past' in the form of Zanu Pf recovered and reconfigured its own internal politics until the coup-not-a-coup in 2017. 

The 'present' in the form of the opposition attempted at populist reinvention in 2018 and 2023 via mixing religion and political activism. 

A strategy that proved to be highly inorganic and ephemeral as well as also highly dependent on a short term electoral cycle for relevance and optimism. 

Now here we are in 2026 and we are at yet another national political crossroads. The 'past' i.e Zanu Pf has decided that the 'present' i.e what remains of opposition political sentiment, and the country in general must be harnessed to an ambiguos and elitist political future. 

It has changed the constitution and electoral cycle to stay in elitist power and protect its own economic interests for the long haul until at least 2030. With a very co-opted and defeated political opposition. 

What however is missed by the powers that be is that they have placed Zimbabwe in an impasse where the past, the present and the future are no longer in sync. 

I know this is a complicated point to make. But I will explain it in relation to our national political culture and consciousness. 

In the first instance Zimbabwe as a country and society is one that is acutely aware of its origins. Even if by default of propaganda, education and lived experiences. 

Most of us can easily put two and two together in order to establish political meaning of the state we live in or want to depart from. 

This means the recent elitist constitutional amendments are viewed as being at best technical and not democratically people-centered.

Almost as though they reflect a Rhodesian UDI moment of 1965 which sowed the seeds of future resistance to such politics. Either by those in the present or those from the future. 

In the second instance, there is now a general public understanding that populism works in tandem with materialism. 

Hence the role of money, patronage and religion as a new cornerstone of assumed political legitimacy. Without direct general elections at all levels of government. And in cahoots with private capital which really has no problem with a Chinese model of elitist governance for profit. 

The third and final instance is our national contemporary consciousness dilemma.

 Particularly for young Zimbabweans. This is where populism, materialism (religion) and ideology are findimg new interactions that are complicatedly defined in the social immediate. 

If one goes anywhere in Zimbabwe to interact with young cdes on our country's political future, they will argue in at least three ways.

First is 'Zvakavarwa' (it is closed).

Second is 'make money!' As instructed by the incumbent president Mnangagwa. 

Third is in order to deal with the aforementioned first two, 'find Jesus'. 

In this connundrum of false and sometimes ephemeral national consciousness we are losing the heart and soul of Zimbabwe. 

Not only as an historically ideologically grounded people centered state but also its future political value in the world as an exemplar of progressive global politics. 

We are in a dilemma. We however, I am certain, will recover! 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity. 

Thomas Mapfumo Hurts. For Many Reasons #Zimbabwe.

Monday, 13 

By Takura Zhangazha*

My late father first introduced my sisters, brother and I to a song called 'Mugarandega' in the late 1980s.

It was on vinyl record player (if thats what they are still called). 

If I remember correctly it had a reggae rhythm to it. 

We did not know that it was a song also related to the liberation struggle for Zimbabwe's independence until we watched the visuals on a black and white television  via the then Zimbabwe Broadcasting Coorporation (ZBC).

Or opened the colour cover of the long playing record (LPR) to see Thomas Mapfumo emaculately dressed in what was a suit and bowler hat, looking at images that related to lost comrades in the liberation struggle war. 

The song was a regular also on what was a popular music programme called at that time ZBC's Radio 2 and the television 'Mvengemvenge.' 

Dressed in the same above described attire Thomas Mapfumo would be seen opining about how he lost relatives in the war. Ones he did not know where they were because they never came back! Even in spirit. 

My father, who played the cassette song during the week would generally tell us to keep quiet as the song played. 

Though on weekends, he would put it on the vinyl player and make us dance to it to the reggae chants of the late, amazing Tobias Ariketa. (He's a  true man Africa!)

All we knew in our late primary school years was that you either had to dance to Leonard Dembo's "Chitekete" or Mapfumo's "Mugarandenga". 

We did both depending on the rice, chicken on offer. Especially in Section 2 of what I still consider my most most amazing childhood memory surburb of Kambuzuma! 

I did not know who Thomas Mapfumo was at that time. And the iconic tag he had. 

I just knew that my father liked his (Mapfumo) music and made us dance to it especially after imbibing a glass of my namesake opaque beer ''Takura 5" from Chibuku breweries which is still run/produced by, I think, Delta Cooperation. 

My father passed away in the early 1990s and his record player also eventually died with him. 

We sort of forgot his passion for Thomas Mapfumo and Chimurenga music. At least for me until I got to the University of Zimbabwe in the late 1990s. 

There I met an amazing, courageous student activist called Maxwell Saungweme who hauled me back to grassroots realism. Together with my former high-school mates who I cannot mention without their permission because of where they work now. 

They re-introduced me to Thomas Mapfumo via his still amazing album Chimurenga Explosion! 

By the time we left university I was a clear Mapfumo afficionado (fan). 

Even my elder brothers would agree to take me to his (Mapfumo's) shows on their happier weekends as they got married and so on. 

Ridiculous as it may seem is the fact that I first part personally encountered mdara Thomas via his then replication manager Cuthbert Chiromo, who is an elder brother to me and was in the same high school class as my elder brother in 1994. 

By the year 2000, at the height of opposition politics and in 2002 at that legendary Boka auction floor show we had built enough of a rapour to link up with 'blah Cathaz' as we called him at that time. Mukanya akavarisa! You can ask the equally amazing former journalist Luke Tamborinyoka! 

After that I went off to Edinburgh university in Scotland and lo and behold Bla Cathaz had organised a Mapfumo show in the European summer of the next year (2003).

Bla Cathaz was not there but I managed to sneek in a few words to mdara Tomimbi of appreciation because tanga 'tirinyika dziri kure'. 

This was circa 2003.

Fast forward to 2010 and when bla Cathaz is still mdara's manager, he asks, while I am holed up in France, if I can do the cover write up for Mukanya's next album. I was shocked but happy to proceed as instructed. 

While waiting for the infamous European volcanic cloud cover to clear up that year I had to write the backdrop for the album 'Exile'. I was stuck in Paris so I got down to it. And Mukanya and bla Cathaz approved! 

By the time the album was published I was a mini-celebrity! 

After that mdara Tomimbi came back for two amazing shows in Zimbabwe from exile. 

But even before these there were other sad developments that happened. We lost cdes in the Chimurenga movement. And later after that we also lost bla Lancelot. 

What is however significant for this article that I may get crucified for, is Thomas Mapfumo's newfound decision, as reported by mainstream and social media, to come back and perform at home at the behest of Wicknell Chivayo in 2026. 

From a champion of the poor to a champion of the rich! 

As afficionado fans we are divided on the meaning of this decision. 

It is however his decision. And his alone as he owns his own music. (I have no idea about his copyright issues) 

He does not however own his legacy. It belongs not only to his fans but to posterity and future generations. Rich, poor or inbetween.

If he eventually, as he has publicly said he will do, comes and performs for rich but limitedly talented younger cdes such as Jah Prayzah or Wicknell, he will have let his own legacy down. For cash money.

But as he himself sang, 'hapana munhu anomanikidzwa kuita zvaasingade'. There is no one who should be forced to do what they do not want to do.

Asi huya uzowona zvinoita ngoma... inodaidza vakaenda kare... 

Ini ndapedza... handina mazwi akawanda

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

Zimbabwe's New Phase of Crass Political Elitism Until 2030 and Beyond.

By Takura Zhangazha*

On 7 July 2026, Zimbabwe's constitution has now officially been amended after president Mnangagwa signed the amendments into law. It was as generally expected. 

Especially after the ruling Zanu Pf and its functionaries publicly insisted on it. 

And their minister of Justice, Ziyambi Ziyambi, aggressively and speedily pushed it through the House of Assembly and the Senate and back in Parliament. 

The elitist argument was that not only did Parliament have a right to do so but that it had undertaken a legal public consultation process that gave these changes 'legitimacy'. 

A legitimacy in which it was argued there is no need for a national referendum (thanks to outsourced political consultants closely linked to national intelligence), the weak/co-opted state of the opposition political parties and a diminishing labour, social/civil society movement(s). 

Not forgetting internal Zanu Pf factionalism in which 'original' war veterans of the liberation struggle have been fighting a losing factional war with emergent rich individuals who are representing the 'nationalists' in historical party ethos. Or as they are also referred to as 'zvigananda'. 

Now that these amendments have been passed into law there will be many public and constitutional court legal arguments as to their veracity or legitimacy. 

But they are now a technical political reality until such a time they are reversed in one way or the other. A development which is least likely to happen in the political short term.  

I however am not a legal mind let alone a lawyer. 

I can only read between the political and cultural end-effects of these constitutional changes. 

The first and most obvious one being that the somewhat ritualistic custom of voting for our leaders is gone for at least the next four (4) years until 2030. Be it for the president, parliament or local councils. 

The president, MP, councillor that you have, no matter their performance legitimacy, they (he/she/woman/youth) is the one you are stuck with for the next four years. 

Your political or other opinion does not matter as a Zimbabwean. Unless they cross paths with the party that got them elected in 2023 which is the only organisation that has recourse to recalling them from office and causing by-elections if they were directly elected. 

Or unless they resign and the same said political parties in parliament select from their proportional representation or other lists somewhere to replace them. 

The second end-effect of these changes as related to the first means that Zimbabwe has entered a new political cultural phase of 'crass, corrupt elitism'. 

One in which we have been falsely led into creating a political establishment where politics dines with private capital for mutual gain at the expense of the majority poor! 

And I will not mince my words on this particular point. The now legally expected long duree rule of our current president, MPs and councillors can only potentially breed a mafia-like culture in our national political economy. 

All in the name of the 'ease of doing business' 'vene-vayo' and an assumption that some sort of tried but historically failed 'trickle down economics' based on political patronage will keep the masses at bay. 

The third end-effect of these changes is the potential decimation of organic, ideologically progressive political opposition parties in Zimbabwe. 

Or to put it simply, the creation of a de-facto one party state with a sprinkling of wannabe or sponsored token opposition party members. Ones who will be esconced in parliament and local government pretending to be defending 'democratic space'. 

While at the same time being direct beneficiaries of the undemocratic process that has brought us to where we are. 

And being unable to effectively or meaningfully challenge the ruling Zanu Pf party status quo and its factionalism.

In conclusion, we now have a legal reality but also political/cultural attempt at a fundamental elitist and undemocratic change to what was already a problematic political culture in Zimbabwe. 

Whereas a lot of Zimbabweans were generally used to the habit of elections, popular political contestations, they are now being told that they no longer have that direct right. Only their current MPs do until after 2030 or seven (7) years lapse. 

This removes the state from the people and hands it in the long term to an elitist political establishment. One in which Zanu Pf factionalism shall predictably flare up and opposition complicity remain permanent. And the cycle will likely repeat itself as it did in 2017 when Mugabe was ousted. Even without the military. 

For some of us, as we remember the late national hero Maurice Nyagumbo and how he titled his memoirs, "Some of Us Must Remain to Be With the People". 

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity