By Takura Zhangazha*
Zimbabwe’s current ruling party Zanu Pf is noticeably beginning
to exude a specific confidence about how it is running the country. Not necessarily through its own members but those
that are at its political and strategic helm.
I would also hazard to call it a newfound comfort zone that
is largely about reducing our long duree culture of relatively populist political contests for power. They
want to be seen and acknowledged as 'doers'.
Not quite in the tradition of typical performance legitimacy but
somewhere close to it in relation to the hegemonic expectations of private
capital. And I will explain this particular
point a little bit further.
One of the key challenges Mnangagwa’s predecessor faced
after the fast track land reform programme had been that private capital in its
local and global form was deliberately united in undermining any ‘revolutionary’
narratives that undermined ‘private property’. While workers and trade unions were more
overtly 'oppositional', private capital was definitively in control of the same's counter
narrative. Hence by the time the
mainstream opposition became stronger, it had changed its ideological framework
from social democracy to neoliberalism.
Where we come full circle to Mnagagwa’s current government
it would appear they are in the process of successfully taking back the support
of private capital. Both local and
global through either their infrastructure projects or their newfound direct
relationship with owners of the same.
Hence their insistence on the ‘ease of doing business mantra’. It is not just a slogan. Its an attempt at a
closer relationship between the state and private capital in order to change
the political narrative in return for making the money. For either. A development which
on the face of it appears to be work in progress. Almost like a case of a deliberate understanding
that we have each other’s backs.
And then on the regional and international engagement scene, Zanu Pf knows that SADC and the African Union are firmly behind them now. It was a bit tentative at first but now with declarations and resolutions calling for the lifting of sanctions firmly under their belt it would take a drastic development for these two or other interstate African regional organizations’ to change perspectives on Zimbabwe.
Where it concerns the West the fact that private
capital owners from the same region are working on investing locally is something
that Mnangagwa and his team view as part of work in progress. Though they are probably aware that the human
rights narrative cannot be wished away from any engagement. As for the East, nothing appears to have
changed with those they call their all-weather friends. In fact under Mnangagwa the relations with Russia , China, Belarus appear to have significantly improved. But all with a universal understanding that the priority is the establishment of neoliberal hegemony in Zimbabwe. Especially one with a calmer nationalism.
There are other sources of this newfound Zanu Pf comfort zone. These include but are not limited to the fact
that for all the objections of the opposition and civil society, Zanu PF
retains as based on the 2018 electoral results, a two thirds majority in
Parliament. And has used this to
recently make significant changes to the constitution. While many focused on changes that related to the appointment of judges it is worth serious political noting that there are other changes that
have far reaching political comfort zone implications. I will
just cite that of the structural changes to parliament through the introduction
of a youth quota, the extension of the women’s quota and the proportional election
of provincial councils. These amendments
basically point to an intention to not just expand the demographic representation
but more importantly to be able to field as many candidates possible for the party
and reduce likelihood of too many internal party candidate disputes. Simply put it helps assuage fears of key
members being left behind for elected posts.
And of course there is the matter of the state of the mainstream
political opposition. While the MDC factions
retain a proven popularity mainly in urban and peri-urban areas, the ruling
party appears to no longer be as worried about its impact. Divisions, court cases and disputes over
properties (whatever their alleged causes/reasons) mean that the opposition is
weaker. For now. Add to this an apparent failure to have a
comprehensive performance related policy framework for the local governments that opposition is
still in charge of limits its ability to utilize ‘performance legitimacy’ to
its full potential. Or to generally have an aversion to internal party procedures that promote collective leadership and membership accountability.
While always waiting for the next election as the foundational reason for leadership.
What remains to be seen is how this new hegemonic project by
Zanu Pf pans itself out. But it is clear that it is beyond being just about
elections in 2023. The active
recognition of historical figures and monuments is telling in this regard. Mnangagwa’s intention is to reduce again,
contestations over history and establish a national understanding of its
importance. Even if by default this
suits the ruling party’s own historical narratives well given the fact that it
has in most cases always also referred to this same said history as its
own. But also beyond history, the
continued courting of the religious sector leaders and their churches/believers
is something that gives the ruling establishment continued confidence. Add to this also the continuing but somewhat more elevated respect and retention of traditional leaders and
customs also completes these clearer hegemonic intentions of Mnangagwa.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity (takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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