Workers Day 2026: Toward an Equitable Zimbabwe

I used to be in at least two Workers Committees in my previous places of employment. Coming from a leftist leaning ideological framework, it was never a hard ask. 

In fact I would regularly volunteer. Be it for the hard negotiations with management for salary adjustments or increases at the risk of ostracisation and refusal of promotion.

Or the harder fund mobilisations for workers welfare when a colleague fell ill or on hard financial times due to family commitments/challenges. 

In the 2000s this was not only run of the mill. It was also exciting to do because in Zimbabwe we we had always had a strong belief in the rights of workers to fair remuneration and working conditions. 

Moreso because of the sterling amd organically historical worker's rights activism undertaken by the still amazing Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). 

So the perpetual struggle for workers rights was generally in our DNA. 

We could see an employment injustice with immediacy and fight to try and right it. 

Even as student leaders at the University of Zimbabwe and within the ambit of the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) we would regularly join local and national strikes for workers rights and attend without fail the annual Workers Day, May Day, rallies at Rufaro, Barbourfields, Sakubva, Mucheke, Gwanzura and Dzivaresekwa stadiums without fail. 

We also joined in the working peoples struggles against neoliberalism (ana ESAP). 

And always used to sing that amazing song from the South African Communist Party (SACP) which intones, 

"My mother was a kitchen girl,

 My father was a garden boy

 That's why I am a Communist!"

In all of this as we grew a broader national consciousness (but other former cdes in individual wealth) we always held dear the fact of posterity about workers rights for younger cdes! 

We were always keen on passing on the (argumentative) consciousness about shopfloor organising, strikes, negotiations, stay aways and even broader demonstrations! 

All based on left leaning ideological premise as taught by for example cdes Kempton Makamure, Shadreck Rutto, Munya Gwisai, Tafadzwa Choto, Grace Kwinjeh, Morgan Tsvangirai, Lovemore Matombo, Hopewell Gumbo among many others. 

Together with the still revolutionary writings of Biko, Fanon, Nkrumah, Nyerere, Ben Bella, Lumumba, Neto, Machel and Cabral!

Including the point at which the above cited cdes pursuaded us that in order to make workers rights a reality we need to all come together and support the political agenda of forming a Working Peoples Party in 1999. 

This historically morphed into what we now know as the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as  Zimbabwe's largest post-independence opposition political party. 

In this a lot of us on the left sufferred the political and economic violence that came with our pro-worker's rights affiliations.

 Particularly civil servants in the form of teachers, nurses, police personnel and those in central or local government administration. 

From 2000-2009 (almost a decade) cdes bore the brunt of the ruling Zanu Pf's violent reprisal against an organic workers movement for political representation and progressive societal change. 

Until at some point we capitulated to co-option in the inclsive government of 2009. 

Not that we had much of an option after the Southern African Development Community (SADC) had at least ensured we were not going to be another Iraq or Afghanistan given the liberal interventionist (also read as war) tendencies of Blair and Bush at that global time (2002-2010).

The only problem with the co-optation is that it became ahistorical. We forgot who we were and where we were coming from. Letnalone where we wanted and still want to go!

We forgot that all post independence struggles for a more equitable Zimbabwe derive from our country's working people,"vashandi!"

In this we sadly became more individualistic, less ideological and refused to see the lack of national and economic sustainability to what was beginning to occur nationally and globally. 

By the time we hit 2013 we had an emerging national elite linked to tenders and easy money. 

We also had a growing anti-workers rights global economic investment cartel with a plan that priotised global financialised capital in our mines and retail sector (vana buda ndipindewo). Be they from the global east or the west!

Come 2017 and the 'changing of the guard' from Mugabe to Mnangagwa in Zanu Pf, and the current era of the 'ease of doing business' we had already faced the risk of being ideologically too far gone to recover the revolutionary path to an national consciousness focused on an equitable life for all Zimbabweans.

 Economically and in relation to broader understanding of human rights and the rule of law. 

Now we are in 2026. And little appears to have changed. 

Workers committees, labour unions and social movements are under relentless attack. 

Not only from the usual Zanu Pf ruling establishment but also from private capital that has no major problems with what is obtaining economically. As long as it can make a dollar out of fifteen cents!

What we do accept as workers and organic supporters of workers rights is that Zimbabwe's political economy has become much more complicated. 

And that in most cases, it is being experienced at a very personal/materialist as opposed to collective progressive struggle level. 

Young Zimbabweans do not understand that it is a universal right to form a workers committee once employed. They are intimidated and threatened with the loss of opportunity amd also made to work ridiculous hours in strenous circumstances for very low pay. Be it in a white or blue collar job. 

Retirees or retrenchees are given below par pensions that in most cases they cannot afford to go and collect from the bank. 

Or those workers that are radical enough to strike or take industrial action are victimised and summarily dismissed with the full knowledge by the employer that they cannot afford long term legal representation. 

Our trade unions and workers associations are much more weaker because of the divergence of individual material interests over collective well being. 

Something that for sociologists that know their work points to a structurally and morally collapsing society. 

But as always, I function on optimism. We know what needs to be done. 

We need to move away from the materialistic individualistic culture of 'zvigananda'. 

And return to the ideological principle of an equitable Zimbabwean society, "Gutsaruzhinji".

One in which where you can get the bus, go to the hospital/clinic, send your kids to a decent rural/urban school, enjoy a pension, vote in peace and above all else feel that you belong equitably, like everyone else, with the Zimbabwean people! 

Shinga Mushandi Shinga! Qina Msebenzi Qina!

Happy May Day 2026 macdes!  

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

“Zvigananda” and Frantz Fanon: Meaning and Context in Zimbabwe’s Newfound Political Elitism

By Takura Zhangazha*

I generally get over-accused of intellectualizing Zimbabwean politics.  Or even the Zimbabwean political economy.  This would include moments where I am derogatorily referred to as a socialist.  A political label I have no problem with at all.  Because there is no way in which you can be a progressive African and not have interacted with the socialism of Nkrumah, Nyerere, Machel, Ahmed Ben Bella, Patrice Lumumba, Thomas Sankara or the amazing theorists Franz Fanon, Walter Rodney and Homi Babha of Tanzania.

But contrary to our current presidents now never forgotten mantra of exhorting all Zimbabweans to ‘make money!’ I have sort of read between the historical ideological lines of where we are as a country. 

I was reminded of the necessity of this approach via a war veteran of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle.  As well as one from Mozambique’s liberation struggle.

They had this term, ‘zvigananda’. 

It’s a term that was brought into contemporary public lexicon by the current Zimbabwean vice president CGN Chiwenga when he was addressing a burial of a national hero some months back. 

He reminded the attendees and the nation about a term they used about cdes who would eventually betray the values of the liberation struggle as they were ideologically taught during the struggle for Zimbabwe’s liberation. All for economic benefits even as the struggle was being fought. 

In the political education that they, the liberation fighters, received because they would eventually become political commissars like the late provincial liberation hero and literary Zimbabwean literary genius,  Alexander Kanengoni.  They were those trained not only with the gun and guerilla tactics.  But also how to explain to the masses the ideological purposes of the liberation struggle.  Including building the ‘morale’ –‘morari’ of the people via speeches and song as did the late provincial liberation heroes cde Chinx Chingaira, Solomon Skuza among many others. 

These war veteran cdes and many others that are still alive relate with ease at to what the term ‘zvigananda’ meant.  Because they were taught it in Marxian class terms. 

Some of them understand what it means beyond Marx.  As they occasionally interacted, according to them with Machel, Nyerere before deployment to the front in the late 1970s.  In these rare and occasional interactions with these African liberation icons they claim they were taught about class struggle in Africa.

 And they were also warned about a key element about what would happen post the liberation struggle victory against the oppressor.

Wherein they were told that some of their own leaders before independence was acquired would begin to mimic the colonial oppressor. Both by way of social habit and also by way  of economic greed (businesses, houses, mines, farms, education).  The argument was that  they were not genuinely for the socialist objectives of the revolution/struggle but just intended to take the place of the oppressor! 

This is where the great African intellectual and revolutionary from Martinique, France and Algeria, Frantz Fanon comes into the picture about the term ‘zvigananda’.  This is beyond his discussions on issues of the necessity  of anti-colonial violence.  

In his seminal work, “The Wretched of The Earth” Fanon has a particular chapter titled, “The Trials and Tribulations of National Consciousness”. 

In this particular chapter, that is rarely read, he makes many startling statements of analysis of the aftermath of national liberation struggles.  He references a ‘nationalist bourgeoisie’ who we can now in Zimbabwe’s case refer to as ‘zvigananda’ supported by n all bearing political leader protected by the ruling party and its historical establishment players.

And I will quote Fanon at length here,

“… In the underdeveloped countries, we have a minimum of prosperity… there was no genuine bourgeoisie but rather an acquisitive, voracious, and ambitious petty caste, dominated by a small time racketeer mentality, content with the dividends paid out by the former colonial power. This short-sighted bourgeoisie lacks vision and inventiveness. It has learned by heart what it has read in the manuals of the West and subtly transforms itself not into a replica of Europe but rather its caricature.”   

The above quote from Fanon summarises our contemporary ‘zvingananda’s’.  they are basically consumerist and cannot explain their primary sources of their extravagant wealth.  They mimic western billionaires and flight in rented airplane as though they were in movies and main-actoring their post-colonial existences.  As individuals who can still invoke religion and money as one in the same.

So the war veterans are correct in their reference to ‘zvigananda’. Zviriko. Zvaiveko (they are there, they were also there).  And this includes vice president Chiwenga' public statements in his own succession battles with his boss ED Mnangagwa.  Except for the fact of what the war veterans did to their own people in 2008-09 after they lost to the opposition is still relatively unforgiven. 

And now they have to deal with the ‘zvigananda’ and expect us to support them for them trying to correct their own mistakes.

I will end with this Fanon quote, again, “  The living expression of the nation is the collective consciousness in motion of the entire people. It is the enlightened and coherent praxis of the men and women. The collective forging of a destiny implies undertaking responsibility on a truly historical scale… No leader whatever his worth, can replace the will of the people…”

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity

# The quotes herein are from Fanon. F, The Wretched of the Earth, 1963. Presaince Africain

The Church and Constitutional Amendment Bill Number 3: Leveraging Faith, Politics and Patronage.

By Takura Zhangazha*

The Easter holidays always make for interesting interactions between religion and politics in Zimbabwe.   Most times they are just more of political leaders looking for photo opportunities with religious congregations that they deem have large numbers. 

Or alternatively religious leaders who want to demonstrate either deliberately or by default how their church has close proximity to state power.  And by dint of the same, political protection in whatever businesses, properties they already own or endeavour to control (schools, small-medium scale mines, hospitals, residential stands, transport companies and agricultural land).  All with the permissions, sometimes at the highest levels, of a serving/sitting government.

This years Easter gatherings were not so different expect for the current controversial development  that the serving government intends to extend its term in office to 2030.  And in order to do so has tabled before the public and Parliament a constitutional amendment bill no 3 (CAB3).  A development that has raised public debate on not only its necessity but also its democratic value proposition. 

Especially given the general historical political culture since 2000 that major changes to our national constitution are done via a public referendum for the people’s consent or dissent. 

So this 2026 Easter holiday was not only about religion and culture. It had a definitive political hue to it. 

A number of African Apostolic or Pentecostal church religious leaders with large followings and associated large economic pursuits made clear their support of CAB3.  In fact the Zion Christian Church (ZCC- Mutendi) did so in the presence of president Mnangagwa.  

While other congregations had their leaders assert the same position at also equally large or important  gatherings of their own.

This was barring the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops conference (ZCBC) that had issued a statement that expressed concerns over the need for a referendum for the people to decide on the matter. While one of its also politically powerful congregants vice president Chiwenga attended an Easter service where he was silent on the matter.   

Other orthodox churches have not been as pronounced on the matter and are probably more cautious in their approach.

All of this is interesting because of at least three political factors.

The first being that CAB3 is ambiguous in its popular political import with the people of Zimbabwe.  It has taken on a highly partisan dimension with the ruling party supporters who gathered for hearings last week being clear on their hardline support of it. 

While in the process ensuring the limited input of those opposed to it, particularly in Harare where prominent opposition leaders were harassed and a human rights lawyer assaulted.  

The contentious issue here is the political choreography of it. From the limited Parliamentary four day period for public consultations to allegations of the bussing in of supporters to the same meetings.  Add to this the apparent resistance to it from factions of war veterans then one can understand why the church is being courted by the ruling party to take their side on it. 

The second significant issue is that  of the primary reason why the church is being courted in the first place.  Its not necessarily because they have much of an option because they have to remember the fact of their existence while guaranteed by the same constitution that is being amended is also subject to  specific state-church patronage systems.  

These systems touch on both the economic as well as the moral/social fabric of Zimbabwean society as they relate to not only the law but general government taxation policies for religious institutions and offshoot businesses that I have cited above.  In this what then obtains is an elitist symbiosis between church and ruling party leaders to create what can only become a ‘ruling establishment until 2030.  One that will continually owe each other ‘favours’.

The third and final element is that because of the paucity of the opposition political parties in Zimbabwe, alternative narratives to this immediate CAB3 are limited in their reach.  Therefore it appears simpler to go with the flow until such a time the opposition movements to this become once again more structured and organic in national politics and issues related thereto.   In this, even where religious leaders were to oppose CAB3, they would quite literally become the opposition itself given the fact that they are well organized and in most cases have a significant national moral reach on at least a weekly basis. 

And in becoming as such the main opposition, they would be in violation of the constitution that retains Zimbabwe as an officially secular state with a liberal bill of rights that recognizes the right to freedom of worship of all religions. 

In conclusion however there is a growing tendency for religious leaders to want to play the ‘numbers game’ where it comes to our national politics.  Because there will least likely be a national referendum, religious leaders that are in support of CAB3 are dangling numbers in order to help the current government control the narrative.  They will get their ‘favours’ in return.  But its an exercise that remains patently elitist, undemocratic and self-centered/absorbed by the ruling establishment. Both in intent and result.   

*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity