By Takura Zhangazha*
The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) this week prevented the divided Zimbabwe
National Liberation War Veterans Association (ZNLWVA) from holding a public
rally . In a fashion similar to
how mainstream opposition political and civil society organizations public gatherings
have regularly been banned since national independence. So there was teargas, random police beatings
and the threat of arrest and arraignment.
Social media as is now its utilitarian habit exploded with a
mixture of expressions of humour and shock at the images of elderly war veterans being
chased by young police officers holding baton sticks. Other reactions were a
bit more analytical and related largely to how this latest incident affects and
reflects on Zanu Pf factionalism.
Evidently it appears as though the faction referred to as
Generation 40 (G-40) is in control of
key political space through deciding who can organize, attend and even speak at
their party’s rallies. The other
dimension is that the Mnangagwa faction now commonly referred to as ‘Team
Lacoste’ despite having been prevented from holding this particular rally for
war veterans, demonstrated beyond any doubt that it will not go down without a
fight. Albeit initially appearing contrived
this war vets rally is the clearest sign of that. Whether they continue with their rallies or
survive expulsion and suspensions is yet to be seen.
A third analysis that has emerged on social media was the
quick comparison of this particular incident with the l997 demonstrations by
war veterans as led by the late Chenjerai Hunzvi. And further speculation as to
whether the current crop of war veteran leaders can take as great a risk as did
those of the Hunzvi era. The only fault
with this comparison would be failing to recognize that the reason for the current
mobilization of war veterans is the Zanu Pf leadership succession issue as
opposed to demands for compensation.
What is clear in this is that the war veterans have been at
every key point of political rapture in the post 1997 period. They have continuously leveraged their
revered liberation war role and statuses in times of political and economic crisis.
Both within their party Zanu Pf or without where it comes to (violently) mobilizing for
national election campaigns or controlling the fast track land reform programme
(FTLRP). All of this predicated on their given relationship with the security
services.
Their current role in the succession battles of the ruling
party may be their final ‘vanguardist’ national political act. This is not only because of their ages but
also because there are new intentions at controlling their influence by their
fellow ruling party members who either were not involved in the liberation struggle
or are pushing what they have referred to as the generational factor.
In this the most significant issue to consider is the
national import to not just the Zanu Pf factionalism but the consistent political
change agent role of war veterans in the country.
The first would be that the war veterans believe in their own national political exceptionalism. That’s why while they
are shocked and disappointed that they have been tear-gassed and stopped from
meeting like everyone else, they still firmly believe they shouldn’t be treated
like everyone else. It is a view that
has generally been accepted in public discourse, more out of fear than it is
out of respect. This exceptionalism has
now come to be directly challenged by the first lady and strongly defended by
the minister responsible for war veterans.
The second aspect which is much more difficult to place and
argue on is the fact the war veterans have failed to address the issue of
generational consciousness/praxis with clarity.
They have continued to be the most radical within our society while at
the same time stymied the consciousness of young Zimbabweans to do the
same. Their sense of exceptionalism and continuing
radical political acts has essentially meant they have served as a key
political tool in preventing the full flourishing of newer visions of what the
state should be as well as a much needed leadership renewal in the ruling party.
This has made them directly complicit in the long-duree leadership of President
Robert Mugabe and the suppression of the opposition.
The third aspect is that within the context of the reality of
their waning influence by way of not only age but also the current succession
battles, they are not necessarily viewed
as being part of a democratic solution to the country’s problems. That they have been treated as everyone else through the police banning their march does not make it likely they will want to join forces with broader pro-democracy
organizations. The latter would also find it hard to organically collaborate
with those they have also perceived to have been part of the undemocratic
tendencies of the state.
As to their waning national political exceptionalism, the war veterans, should
they win the Zanu Pf leadership succession battle, will have to prove that
theirs was and is not a fight solely for their interests. Because what
remains at stake is not only their liberation war legacy, but their post
independence democratic posterity.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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