By Takura Zhangazha*
Zimbabwe’s future is rarely discussed in holistic terms in
everyday conversations. This is because
the future is always in the immediate.
This may appear contradictory or even complex but it is reflected in the
everyday struggles of Zimbabweans to make the proverbial dollar out of fifteen
(15) cents. It is almost as though our national mindset is now auto-tuned to
what I will call ‘short-termism’. That
is, an approach to our political and economic existence that emphasizes the
immediate as opposed to the future.
In this, an immediate follow up question would be, what has
caused this ‘short-termism’. The answers
are varied and in most cases highly politicized. They range from blaming the ruling Zanu Pf
party’s fast track land reform programme (FTLRP) for ruining the national
economy and good governance. Through to
sanctions, corruption, hyperinflation and of late the decision by the
government to abandon the use of multiple currencies in favour of the return of
the Zimbabwe dollar.
Whatever reason one chooses, it is also apparent that there
is a lot of public anger/angst at the present political-economic
situation. And where there’s anger,
there is also a search for some sort of catharsis or a moment of immediate
relief. Hence in some cases anger is shown via public demonstrations or
strident, rhetorical and in some cases violent language on the streets of
social media.
What is however more complex is a systematic and ideological
understanding of how Zimbabwe got here in the first place. Even after the departure of Mugabe and the
introduction of what has come to be dubbed the ‘new dispensation’ of his
successor Emmerson Mnangagwa.
The arguable reality of the matter is that the country has
come full circle from radical nationalism (under Mugabe) to moderate
neoliberalism (under the inclusive government) to full scale neoliberalism
(under Mnangagwa.
It is the latter’s policies and ideological model that
matters the most in any discussions about Zimbabwe’s short and long term
future. Mnangagwa’s tight embrace of the
free market and cosying up to global capital through his promotion of the ‘ease
of doing business’ is the base that helps us outline what is in store for
Zimbabwe’s political economy.
In relation to the political and most times politicized
future, the economic ideological base that is neoliberalism will require
Zimbabwe’s political institutions and practices to pass the test of
‘international standards.’ Basically our
electoral processes and systems together with the functions of the three main
arms of government- the executive, the judiciary and the legislature will be
more regularly subject to measurement by regional, continental and global
institutions and treaties.
This does not
mean they will strictly adhere to these standards but Mnangagwa’s government
will most certainly do some serious public relations on that front. Hence even after the ‘coup-not-a-coup’ the
ruling Zanu Pf party went ahead with calling for elections with the primary
objective of ‘international legitimacy’ which with the benefit of hindsight,
they appear to have acquired.
This
however means that the art and meaning of politics in Zimbabwe will be highly
‘performative’ and populist, especially in the run up to constitutionally
anticipated elections. Politics will be
undertaken in order to satisfy the basic expectations of a hegemonic neoliberal
audience and global capital. Not necessarily the people. The latter, it is hoped by Mnangagwa and his
supporters will benefit by way of an anticipated ‘trickle-down’ effect of a
‘free market’ political economy.
Where we examine what possibilities lie ahead with the
national economy, it is much clearer to explain. The Zimbabwe government has declared itself
as pro-private capital and the free market.
Its economic policies increasingly also indicate so as outlined in its
Transitional Stabilisation Programme (TSP).
This essentially means the future
holds a host of realities that range from eventual privatization of state
assets/entities, the expansion of the private sector into social service
delivery also known as public-private partnerships and the reduction of the
regulatory role of government in the economy/market. So those that will bear the brunt of
‘austerity’ are ordinary working people of Zimbabwe. Costs of goods and services will definitely
become unaffordable to many. The
priority will remain private capital in servitude to what many an economic
pundit and the World Bank or IMF will approve as global best practices of
‘emerging economies’. Economic benevolence will however be shown
during electoral periods in order to curry favour with voters.
This brings us to the third consideration on the future of
Zimbabwe, namely its social environment. Over the years and as a direct result of
attendant political-economic hardships endured by a majority of people,
Zimbabwe has become a highly individualistic society. For students of global political economy this
is arguably a result of neoliberal economic policies that deliberately focus on
the individual and the market.
In
Zimbabwe’s case, the breakdown of social services and abandonment of the
welfare system under Robert Mugabe’s tutelage and now being followed through by
his successor has meant that socially Zimbabweans focus on their individual and
immediate needs for everyday social services.
This tendency toward individualism has also been strengthened by a
global consumerist culture for goods and services that again, focus on the
individual. Hence many young Zimbabweans are always seeking out ways and means
to emigrate to countries that can make their individual lives ‘better’.
This is a trend that is least likely to dissipate in the
near or distant future. For collective
perceptions of reality, citizens will continue to turn to religion for a sense
of self-worth and belonging. Especially
those religions that emphasize wealth individual wealth accumulation.
To conclude, I will revert back to my opening line on how
for many Zimbabweans, the future is in the immediate and not in the long
term. And as I have argued in later
paragraphs, this future is perceived in highly individualistic ways. In order to get out of such a future we will
have to learn to always think about the bigger ideological future as a whole
and seek pragmatic ways to try and ensure it is people centered, welfarist and
fully considers those that will come after us.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity. This article first appeared on Zimbabwe's factchecking website zimfact.org More of his writings can be found @
takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com
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